Reintroducing a Local-Level Multiparty System in Uganda: Why Be in Opposition?

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ragnhild Louise Muriaas

AbstractIn a referendum in July 2005 the people of Uganda voted overwhelmingly in support of reintroducing the multiparty system. As a result, one expected an increase in candidates running on party tickets other than the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) in the local elections in March 2006. However, the findings in this article reveal that politicians challenging the incumbent preferred to be non-partisan candidates rather than members of the opposition parties. Based on semi-structured interviews with 198 local leaders, this article connects local perspectives on the reintroduction of the multiparty system with well-known explanations of weak opposition in Africa, and discloses how formal institutions and people's notions of representation limit the prospects of the opposition at the local level.

Author(s):  
Niaz Ahmad ◽  
Abida Bano ◽  
Ashfaq Rehman

Local government is visualised as a tool for promoting political participation, downward accountability, which consequently leads to the establishment of good governance at the grass-root level. In the establishment of the local government system, the main ingredients of good governance, such as participation and downward accountability, reckon almost on the nature of elections. However, societies marked with strong cultural and socially embedded informal institutions, already existed from generations, hinder formal institutions to play its intended role. In Pakistan, some socio-cultural features like gender, ascribed status, and economic background of the individuals influence the entire process of elections adversely. This paper attempts to assess the processes of the local government elections in District Karak, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Pakistan. It aims to highlight the deterministic role of other informal institutional forces that affect the outcome of local elections. It investigates, how the process of local government elections is influenced in Pakistan and how do people decide whom to vote for in these elections. The study argues that policymakers should work on strengthening the formal institutions of elections through measures such as monitoring by media, referendums, auditing, evaluations, education, and political awareness as alternatives to ensure good governance at the local level in Pakistan.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Fred Paxton ◽  
Timothy Peace

Abstract Populist radical right (PRR) parties have increasingly occupied positions of power in recent years, inspiring much scholarly interest in the mainstreaming consequences of government responsibility. This article analyses the extent and manner of mainstreaming of the Rassemblement National (RN) while in power at the local level of government in France. A municipal-level focus enables the novel inclusion of the party into the debate about the consequences of government participation for the PRR. We conduct a paired case study analysis of RN-led Hénin-Beaumont, the political base of Marine Le Pen and her ‘de-demonization’ strategy, alongside nearby Lens, which is led by a mainstream party. We analyse the policy and discourse of the administration through a qualitative content analysis of mayoral statements and data from semi-structured interviews with local politicians. The results show a partial mainstreaming due to the strategic exercise of local government power to present a more moderate and capable image, as well as the use of populist discourse to frame mainstream opposition forces and the local press as working against the interests of ‘the people’.


2018 ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
Muhammad Laksmana Surya Adi Wibawa

ABSTRACTThe general election is held directly to execute the mandate of the Constitution which stipulates that sovereignty belongs to the people. Therefore, a country that calls itself as a democratic state, the elections should be held at a certain time. Election Commission is an institution established by legislation to hold elections which is national, permanent and independent. Indonesia is a unitary state is a republic whose government delivery system is framed within a policy of decentralization and regional autonomy. One of the most important steps in ensuring good governance at central and local is the process of forming a good government anyway, so also in the Bengkulu Province. Therefore, researchers are interested in taking the title essay “The Role of the Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission in Simultaneously Local Elections in 2015 in Bengkulu Province”. This research aims to determine the role of Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission in conducting simultaneously local elections in 2015 in the Bengkulu Province, the obstacles encountered and efforts made to overcome these obstacles. In analyzing the problems and the facts, the researchers used the theory of the role according to Soekanto. Furthermore, this research will yield some suggestions for the various parties to the improvement of the election system with simultaneous concepts, especially in the Bengkulu Province for the next elections. Through a kind of qualitative research with descriptive and inductive approach, researchers find and process the data and facts onthe ground and then explained in detail and deep understanding of the role of Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission in conducting simultaneously local elections in 2015 in Bengkulu Province. Researchers conducted ethnographic data collection techniques, participant observation, and in-depth interviews. Conducted semi structured interviews with several informants were selected according to the criteria of an ideal informant. Data, facts, and information obtained from the interviews will be through reduction techniques, featuring in a table or chart display, and conclusion drawing. Based on the results of research conducted, proving that Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission perform the role well in the simultaneously local elections in 2015 in Bengkulu Province. The role has not been well executed in terms of facilitating the campaign and increase the number of voter, unfortunately the number of abstention is increase. There are four obstacles faced by the Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission, but followed up with a four attempts have been made in overcoming these obstacles. Keywords: role, bengkulu provincial election commission, simultaneously local elections


Author(s):  
E. Tsedilina

The local elections held in Ukraine were far from being of local significance. They showed the real balance of political forces in the country: significant reduction in ranking of the “Servant of the People” and strengthening of the parliamentary opposition represented by the “Opposition Platform – For Life” and “European Solidarity”. These three parties each received approximately the same number of votes. This shows that the President’s political force has been unable to fulfill the role of a unifying center for the country. Ukraine has returned to a state of polarization, when the population votes for diametrically opposed political projects. However, despite the obvious loss of confidence of many voters, Zelensky’s party still retains a leading position. And what is especially important for the “Servant of the People”, as a result of the vote, it received representation at the local level thus making the President power vertical finally completed. The elections also showed a significant increase in the role of regional elites, who became the main winners of the vote. The strengthening of local authorities against the backdrop of a weakening center threatens to regionalize the country – splitting it not only politically, but also geographically.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (77) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanus Sampe

ABSTRACT Introduction: Despite decentralization devolving increasing decision-making powers to subnational governments across Asia, the subject of local-level elections has not received anywhere near the academic attention afforded to national elections. This article aims to make a contribution to filling this gap in the literature on the dynamics of local election by examining the political parties’ activities in the 2010 local executive election in Indonesia through the detailed case study of Manado City. Materials and Methods: This article used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodologies for a case study of the Manado local government election in 2010. These methods include direct observation which had been done during the election in 2010, review of relevant media articles and books, collection of statistics from relevant government organizations and interviews. The latter comprised the most important and novel aspect of the research. The interviews were of two types: First, there was a quantitative survey of 100 selected voter respondents using questionnaire with 22 closed-ended questions. Second, there were semi-structured interviews with the local leaders of political parties, the heads of campaign teams, the candidates, the members of the local electoral organization, the representatives of NGOs, mass media personnel and the survey organisations who monitored the election. The quantitative data was explored with the aid of a computer application program (SPSS) while the qualitative data was analysed through a thematic approach. Although the qualitative data collection and analysis was dominant, the quantitative methodology was still important in this article. Results: This article found a paradoxical situation in that political parties did not and did matter. They did not matter case was supported by evidence showing that voters chose candidates based on their personalities, behaviours and programs rather than on party loyalty. On the contrary, they did matter case derived from the superior organisational abilities of parties in running successful election campaigns and in aligning themselves with the candidates most likely to win. Discussion: This article had made a valuable addition to explaining the activities of political parties at local level in the context of decentralization. The implication of this research is that although voters did not choose political parties, the latter were nonetheless highly significant in determining the outcome of the local government election in Manado City. So, it is useful for future research to consider more closely the role of parties in local elections.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-49
Author(s):  
Sugianto

The amendment of the 1945 Constitution had opened space for democratic realization process at local level. In Article 18 paragraph (4) mentioned that governors, regents and mayors respectively as the heads of provincial, regency and municipal elected democratically. The local elections were carried out simultaneously by the people show democratic electoral system embodiment. To analyze the phenomena, this study uses a qualitative method, which the data source derived from primary and secondary data. Primary data is data obtained from observations in field, while secondary data obtained from literature or news about the regional head elections. The results showed that in a democratic election, a guarantee of freedom is an absolute and normative requirement. However the normative requirements sometimes ignored either by contestants or supporters. Therefore, the presence of the Constitutional Court is very important for democracy and constitutionality of local elections. In the local elections, the Constitutional Court has the authority to resolve the election results dispute. Although the existence of the Constitutional Court is important, but to resolve the dispute over local elections, researchers assume about the necessary establishment judicial elections at any stage or process level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-181
Author(s):  
Archana ◽  
Yagati Chinna Rao

The purpose of the study is to examine the shifting perceptions of the Naxal movement. The movement, which was extremely violent in nature, started against the oppression of the upper caste/class, attracted the young people, but as soon as they realized its impact, they opted towards the pro-state non-violent form of movement. In India, the violence/conflicts are analysed through the caste and class struggles, where the upper caste members oppress the lower caste group. Due to caste hegemony, the means of production are also in the hands of the upper castes, which help them to accumulate political and economic power too. In the continuous accumulation of power, the lower castes became more vulnerable and took the help of ideologies of armed struggle to resist their oppressed condition. But this form of resistance movement initiated in the Mushahri did not last long and, later on, people of this movement shifted towards either the state or pro-state form of movement. The data were gathered in Mushahri, Bihar from October 2015 to December 2016 from the people who had participated in the first phase of the Naxal movement through semi-structured interviews. The results of the interviews are linked with the existing theoretical frameworks of violence as both oppression and resistance. The study finds that the people who participated in the movement started shifting or deviating from the movement because they felt that the focus on caste oppression had become secondary and the resistance of violence left spread. In this violence and counter-violence, it is the poor who suffered a lot.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-158
Author(s):  
Priyambudi Sulistiyanto

This article analyses local elections held in the post-Suharto era in Indonesia with a special reference to pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah langsung [direct elections of local leaders]) between 2005 and 2008. Using the state-society perspective, it argues that local elections have seen the rise of new political dynamics and rapid growth of electoral activity in regions. Pilkada has brought about the emergence of coalitional politics, political ideologies or streams (aliran), the rise of ‘little kings’ (raja kecil), an increasing number of businesspeople entering local politics, the use of gangsters/goons (preman) in local elections, a boom in political consultancy, and the increase of the novote camp. There are grounds for optimism regxarding the intensity of the interaction between the local state and society in the regions. The people in the regions have now had the opportunities to vote for their leaders directly, something which was impossible in the past. There is no doubt that the electoral competition for candidates is going to be very important because the availability of good potential local leaders varies between the regions. Political parties themselves have to improve their performance and build a proper recruitment process so that they can find good candidates who can attract voters.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Farinosi ◽  
Emiliano Treré

The aim of this paper is to analyze a social movement which emerged after the earthquake in L'Aquila (Italy): "The People of the Wheelbarrows". With triangulation of semi-structured interviews, offline ethnography and content analysis of the movement's Facebook group we tried to answer to the following research question: how is the movement's participation articulated between online and the offline dimensions? Our findings show the importance of the local level, the continuous interplay between the online and the offline and the simultaneous use of a variety of online platforms. The results highlight the role that the Web has played in the coordination of the movement and in the management of meetings and events and show that when physical spaces collapse, online spaces acquire a vital importance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
R. Varisa Patraporn

Khmer Girl’s in Action is a nonprofit that successfully utilizes community-based participatory research (CBPR) with university partners to create social change for youth in Long Beach, CA. Based on semi-structured interviews and content analysis of news articles, I explore the impact and sustainability of this research work and the research partnerships. Findings highlight impacts such as youth empowerment, heightened awareness around community needs, policy change, and CBPR curriculum improvements in the field as impacts. Sustainability requires integrating research into program funding, utilizing a tailored training curriculum, building on community members prior relationships, and selecting partners that share common goals, levels of commitment, and flexibility. As funders demand more data to justify community needs, understanding more examples of such work in the Asian American community will be useful for informing future partnerships.


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