Local Elections and Local Politics in Indonesia: Emerging Trends

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-158
Author(s):  
Priyambudi Sulistiyanto
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Emerging Trends ◽  
The People ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Good Potential ◽  
Society Perspective ◽  
Coalitional Politics ◽  
Local Leaders

This article analyses local elections held in the post-Suharto era in Indonesia with a special reference to pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah langsung [direct elections of local leaders]) between 2005 and 2008. Using the state-society perspective, it argues that local elections have seen the rise of new political dynamics and rapid growth of electoral activity in regions. Pilkada has brought about the emergence of coalitional politics, political ideologies or streams (aliran), the rise of ‘little kings’ (raja kecil), an increasing number of businesspeople entering local politics, the use of gangsters/goons (preman) in local elections, a boom in political consultancy, and the increase of the novote camp. There are grounds for optimism regxarding the intensity of the interaction between the local state and society in the regions. The people in the regions have now had the opportunities to vote for their leaders directly, something which was impossible in the past. There is no doubt that the electoral competition for candidates is going to be very important because the availability of good potential local leaders varies between the regions. Political parties themselves have to improve their performance and build a proper recruitment process so that they can find good candidates who can attract voters.

Reintroducing a Local-Level Multiparty System in Uganda: Why Be in Opposition?

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ragnhild Louise Muriaas
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Formal Institutions ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
The People ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
Local Perspectives ◽  
Local Leaders ◽  
Opposition Parties

AbstractIn a referendum in July 2005 the people of Uganda voted overwhelmingly in support of reintroducing the multiparty system. As a result, one expected an increase in candidates running on party tickets other than the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) in the local elections in March 2006. However, the findings in this article reveal that politicians challenging the incumbent preferred to be non-partisan candidates rather than members of the opposition parties. Based on semi-structured interviews with 198 local leaders, this article connects local perspectives on the reintroduction of the multiparty system with well-known explanations of weak opposition in Africa, and discloses how formal institutions and people's notions of representation limit the prospects of the opposition at the local level.

The Challenge of Mass Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Mass Democracy

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.

Islam, State and Society in Indonesia: Local Politics in, by Pribadi Yanwar

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 151-153
Author(s):  
Shane J. Barter ◽  
Nikita Sukmono
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
State And Society

Sustaining Labor Politics in Hard Times: Race, Labor, and Coalition Building in Racine, Wisconsin

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-63
Author(s):  
Naomi R Williams
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Labor Politics ◽  
Working People ◽  
Hard Times ◽  
The 1960S

Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections, housing and education, increased the number of workers with the power of unions behind them, and improved Racine's economic and social conditions. By the 1980s, Racine's labor community included not only industrial workers but also members of welfare and immigrants’ rights groups, parents of inner-city students, social workers and other white-collar public employees, and local and state politicians willing to support a class-based agenda in the political arena. Worker activists’ ability to maintain and adapt their notion of a broad-based labor community into the late twentieth century shows how this community and others like it responded to the upheaval of the 1960s social movements by creating a broad and relatively successful concept of worker solidarity that also incorporated racial justice.

“Clean and green — That’s the way we like it”

2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Teo
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Physical Space ◽  
Educational Discourse ◽  
Scarce Resources ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
The People ◽  
National Campaigns ◽  
The Government ◽  
Management And Conservation

This paper focuses on the discursive strategies used by the Singapore government to construct national identity and solidarity on the basis of a ‘clean and green’ environment. By analysing the slogans used in the Clean and Green Week campaign in terms of the use of pronouns and the pragmatic notion of ‘politeness’, the paper shows that the people of Singapore are not only persuaded to ‘buy’ the idea of environmentalism, but also to buy into the ideology of national identity and unity being derived (in part) from the proper management and conservation of Singapore’s scarce resources and limited physical space. The paper concludes with a discussion on how national campaigns such as the Clean and Green Week constitutes a form of political discourse, where public educational discourse becomes a veiled medium through which socio-political ideologies are produced and propagated. With the government treading the fine line between information and manipulation where ‘greening’ a country becomes a scaffolding for building a nation, a study like this offers interesting insights into the interplay between the language of politics and the politics of language.

scholarly journals Women Mayors in Portugal: A Case Study in Political Representation and Citizenship

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (68) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Antónia de Figueiredo Pires de Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Positive Effects

Abstract Introduction The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women’s access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.

scholarly journals Does Property Ownership Lead to Participation in Local Politics? Evidence from Property Records and Meeting Minutes

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Yoder
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
City Council ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Property Ownership ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Property Owner ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Property Owners

Homeowners and renters have participated in politics at different rates throughout American history, but does becoming a property owner motivate an individual to par- ticipate in local politics? I combine deed-level property records in California and Texas with an original dataset on individual comments in local city council meetings to study the role of property ownership in shaping costly forms of political behavior, and I document large inequalities in who participates at city council meetings. I also link property records to individual-level contribution records and administrative voter files and find that becoming a property owner increases an individual’s political activity. Over and above voting in local elections, property ownership motivates individuals to participate in local city council meetings and donate to candidates. These findings illustrate how the experience of homeownership leads property owners to become much more active in local politics.

scholarly journals Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) dan Tantangan Demokrasi Lokal di Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suyatno Suyatno
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Methodology ◽  
New Order ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Democratic Responsiveness ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
People Participation ◽  
Local Leaders

<p>Direct local leader elections (Pilkada) had replaced indirect local elections. It based on the spirit of people empowerment to participate choosing local leaders more democratic. Responsiveness is an important element besides participation which represent local democracy. These two variables will decide the local elections that can enhance the quality of local democracy. This paper uses qualitative methodology to analyze the data of participation and responsiveness of Pilkada as an important variables in local democracy. People participation in Pilkada is not as high as the participation in New Order elections. Their participation are more substantive because accompanied assessment of the level of responsiveness of a local leader. Incumbent successful running of local responsiveness will get continued success as the next local elections victory. In contrast, incumbent who failed in the implementation of responsiveness will obtain defeat. Victory and defeat incumbent in the election can be stated that the relevance of participation and responsiveness become very important in the local democratic process as a whole.</p>

The State of Human Rights in the African Post-Colonial Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-106
Author(s):  
Theoneste Bimenyimana
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
The People ◽  
Current Affairs ◽  
Neoliberal Ideology ◽  
Foreign Politics

"The aim of this study is to identify and critically assess the effects of appropriation of foreign political ideologies and practices in African political systems. This paper argues that there should be no leader, whatever his worth; look on his own personal problems to be exploited for the benefits of western’s Politics. Which will enable the African systems to develop, secondly, argues that Human Rights should be looked at to be an apportioned – responsibility, shared by both the former colonial powers and the current post-colonial political elites, rather than seeing Human rights promotion as yet another excuse to interfere or control other sovereign nations. The study will involve qualitative research involving reviewing other authors' literature, identifying current affairs, and critical assessing the ways in which neo-colonialism affects the different societies in transition from a colonial past to independence. The study is based on the fact that colonized countries, during the Cold War, suffered political oppression, economic exploitation, and social degradation, while alignment either with the capitalist or communist ideology failed. Currently there is a felt pressure to adopt a neoliberal ideology in order to access to have access to aid and investment. The study concludes with recommendations to third world leaders, to look at the people they lead as their responsibility, since no leader, whatever his/her worth, can replace the will of people. This results in a felt need to embrace democracy and such democratic values as: strong institutions, an independent judiciary and the separation of powers, individual and minority rights, and civil rights. Keywords: postcolonial politics, appropriation of foreign politics, human rights, principled values of democracy, the inability of African leaders "

scholarly journals Potensi Eco-Cycling Ekowisata Subak Sembung, Di Desa Peguyangan, Kecamatan Denpasar Utara

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Debora Kristin ◽  
I Putu Anom
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Purposive Sampling ◽  
Deep Knowledge ◽  
World Conservation ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Good Potential ◽  
Depth Interviews

Purpose Of Research Singer is for the review to know the potential of eco-cycling in ecotourism Subak Sembung.This research was conducted using qualitative method. Data were collected through observation and in-depth interviews, documentation and study of literature. Informant determining technique using purposive sampling, by selecting the source is considered to have a deep knowledge of the potential that exists in Subak Sembung. Chairman of the manager and the people who know the history of Subak Sembung.Data were analyzed using the concept of ecotourism by Fennel (Arida, 2009) and the World Conservation Union (WCU in Arida, 2009) and is supported by the concept of potential and cycling that gets results that Subak Sembung has very good potential to conduct eco-cycling.The local community has a major role in the management of eco-cycling activities. When people are getting ready to activities that will promote the activities of the new travel package that is eco-cycling in the middle of Denpasar.   Keywords: ecotourism, potential, eco-cycling

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