scholarly journals Ukraine: Significance of the Local Elections – 2020

Author(s):  
E. Tsedilina

The local elections held in Ukraine were far from being of local significance. They showed the real balance of political forces in the country: significant reduction in ranking of the “Servant of the People” and strengthening of the parliamentary opposition represented by the “Opposition Platform – For Life” and “European Solidarity”. These three parties each received approximately the same number of votes. This shows that the President’s political force has been unable to fulfill the role of a unifying center for the country. Ukraine has returned to a state of polarization, when the population votes for diametrically opposed political projects. However, despite the obvious loss of confidence of many voters, Zelensky’s party still retains a leading position. And what is especially important for the “Servant of the People”, as a result of the vote, it received representation at the local level thus making the President power vertical finally completed. The elections also showed a significant increase in the role of regional elites, who became the main winners of the vote. The strengthening of local authorities against the backdrop of a weakening center threatens to regionalize the country – splitting it not only politically, but also geographically.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Erindi Bejko

Abstract Political parties in Albania on several occasions during the past two decades have won the election in certain areas over 3 times in a row. While victory and governance of the same area, for sure creates a margin consumption which has affected the dynamics of the bastions at least in the recent national election. Parties are consumed in their strongholds if they decide the same candidates, either as a political force. In the focus of this article, will be the consuming steps of political parties in their stronghold areas, either reflecting the fall results during the election process. Will we have a final rupture in Albania consumption bastions of political parties and how would be the future of dynamic bastion, will be the question of this article scientific research. A fracture would have strongholds in shqipare perfuindimtare the consumption of political parties and how will be the future of dynamics will be bastions of this artikulil question scientific research. Bastion’s consumption occurs mainly from major political forces on the left if either of right on the study will be taken 4 constituencies which voted for the same party in three elections one by one. In our focus will be general elections, not local elections.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 865-894 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salwa Ismail

AbstractThis paper investigates the role of urban subalterns both as participatory agents in the Arab revolutions and as mediating forces against revolutionary action. It argues that during revolutionary periods the positioning of subalterns as a political force should be understood in relation to their socio-spatial location in the urban political configuration. Looking at the protest movements in Cairo and Damascus, the paper examines the differentiated locations of subaltern actors in each to demonstrate how their positioning in relation to state and government has shaped their engagement in the revolutions. In Cairo, the mobilization of subaltern forces was anchored in spatialized forms of everyday interaction between popular forces and agents of government. These interactions were formative of urban subjectivities that entered into the making of “the people” as the subject of the Revolution. In Damascus, the configuration of the urban space and the Syrian regime's modes of control made it difficult for subaltern forces to mobilize on the same scale as in Cairo or to form a unified opposition. The regime instrumentalized socio-spatial fragmentation among subalterns, in effect turning some segments, as buffers for the regime, against others. In analytical terms, the paper underscores the common conceptual ground between the categories of “urban popular forces” and “urban subalterns.” This ground covers their socio-spatial positionality, their bases of action, and the factors shaping their political subjectivities.


2018 ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
Muhammad Laksmana Surya Adi Wibawa

ABSTRACTThe general election is held directly to execute the mandate of the Constitution which stipulates that sovereignty belongs to the people. Therefore, a country that calls itself as a democratic state, the elections should be held at a certain time. Election Commission is an institution established by legislation to hold elections which is national, permanent and independent. Indonesia is a unitary state is a republic whose government delivery system is framed within a policy of decentralization and regional autonomy. One of the most important steps in ensuring good governance at central and local is the process of forming a good government anyway, so also in the Bengkulu Province. Therefore, researchers are interested in taking the title essay “The Role of the Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission in Simultaneously Local Elections in 2015 in Bengkulu Province”. This research aims to determine the role of Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission in conducting simultaneously local elections in 2015 in the Bengkulu Province, the obstacles encountered and efforts made to overcome these obstacles. In analyzing the problems and the facts, the researchers used the theory of the role according to Soekanto. Furthermore, this research will yield some suggestions for the various parties to the improvement of the election system with simultaneous concepts, especially in the Bengkulu Province for the next elections. Through a kind of qualitative research with descriptive and inductive approach, researchers find and process the data and facts onthe ground and then explained in detail and deep understanding of the role of Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission in conducting simultaneously local elections in 2015 in Bengkulu Province. Researchers conducted ethnographic data collection techniques, participant observation, and in-depth interviews. Conducted semi structured interviews with several informants were selected according to the criteria of an ideal informant. Data, facts, and information obtained from the interviews will be through reduction techniques, featuring in a table or chart display, and conclusion drawing. Based on the results of research conducted, proving that Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission perform the role well in the simultaneously local elections in 2015 in Bengkulu Province. The role has not been well executed in terms of facilitating the campaign and increase the number of voter, unfortunately the number of abstention is increase. There are four obstacles faced by the Bengkulu Provincial Election Commission, but followed up with a four attempts have been made in overcoming these obstacles. Keywords: role, bengkulu provincial election commission, simultaneously local elections


2018 ◽  
Vol 229 ◽  
pp. 01001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deny Hidayati

As a country with high risk of disasters, the people of Indonesia have to prepare and anticipate these calamities. One of the most important aspects of disaster risk reduction at the local level is social capital. This paper discusses the role of social capital in strengthening community disaster preparedness for effective respond and its potential for building back after recovery, focusing on local wisdom, prior experiences and re-establishment of community livelihoods. Local wisdom plays an important role in raising community efforts to find relief and recover from the impact of the earthquake in Bantul and floods in Jambi. The spirit of community-self, mutual help and fundraising help the Javanese in Bantul to be strong and care among neighbors. The community that supported by the local leaders and institutions agreed to set up priority for affected people who need more help. Meanwhile, experiences of the people in Jambi on regular floods made them aware and assisted them to develop self-efficacy beliefs in disaster preparedness, including making plans as well as increasing skill to get ready for and respond to this disaster. This paper also shows that in addition to economic recovery programs from the government and donor in Bantul and Aceh, the community in Jambi used floods as a source of their alternative livelihood through fishing and its related activities, and perceived floods as economic opportunities. This paper utilises empirical evidence from cases across Indonesia that are collected from my research results under LIPI and Human Ecology research activities. Data is also collected from secondary sources that largely rely on desk reviews of relevant books, documents, papers, and other references.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-931
Author(s):  
Ellen Olislagers ◽  
Kristof Steyvers

This paper focuses on the role of size in coalition formation in the Flemish region in Belgium after the local elections of 2006. A quantitative analysis already showed that size matters at the local level. In this paper, portfolio allocation is considered as an important part of coalition formation. This paper illustrates that combining research methods can enhance our knowledge about the role of size in the coalition formation process. The results demonstrate that parties consider a minimal winning and minimum parties coalition as a starting point for the negotiations and other factors influence the final coalition outcome. In portfolio allocation proportionality rules, but parties also prefer competences related to their policy profile. Intra-party and personal characteristics play an important role in selecting the executive mandates.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjan Brezovšek ◽  
Lea Smerkolj

The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiarities that cannot be applied to the national level. This is especially true regarding the dominant role of non-partisan candidates, and the ever decreasing support for political parties. Without the latter, one cannot even imagine the national level of government because they represent the key actors in national democratic political systems. Regarding the degree of trust in political parties at the local level, one can identify a trend indicating that citizens have gained a greater awareness that local-level politics is not related to party adherence, and that individuals’ personalities and their alleged apolitical character is coming increasingly to the fore, which is reflected by a high number of eligible non-partisan candidates. Therefore, one can see in Slovenia that people have become frustrated over the politicisation of local-level politics by expressing an ever-greater desire to support non-partisan candidates for the leaders of their local communities. Thus, they seek the candidates whose performance is not politically marked so that they can more easily identify themselves with them. Keywords: • local democracy • local elections • parliamentary elections • political parties • non-partisan candidates • Slovenia


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-49
Author(s):  
Sugianto

The amendment of the 1945 Constitution had opened space for democratic realization process at local level. In Article 18 paragraph (4) mentioned that governors, regents and mayors respectively as the heads of provincial, regency and municipal elected democratically. The local elections were carried out simultaneously by the people show democratic electoral system embodiment. To analyze the phenomena, this study uses a qualitative method, which the data source derived from primary and secondary data. Primary data is data obtained from observations in field, while secondary data obtained from literature or news about the regional head elections. The results showed that in a democratic election, a guarantee of freedom is an absolute and normative requirement. However the normative requirements sometimes ignored either by contestants or supporters. Therefore, the presence of the Constitutional Court is very important for democracy and constitutionality of local elections. In the local elections, the Constitutional Court has the authority to resolve the election results dispute. Although the existence of the Constitutional Court is important, but to resolve the dispute over local elections, researchers assume about the necessary establishment judicial elections at any stage or process level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laila Kholid Alfirdaus

Under the new law of decentralization, namely Law No. 14/2014 on Local Governance, the national government shifts the governance of three main sectors related to natural resources from being city or regency’s authority to be the provincial government’s domain. This paper discusses possible advantages and drawbacks of the law in local level in the mining sector. This paper compares cases in Kebumen, Pati and Rembang in Central Java province to see the complexities of mining policy prior and after the issuance of the new law based on document analysis and interviews with local government apparatus and people concerned with mining issue in the local areas. While Law No. 4/2009 on non-oil mining strongly asserts the role of the district government, Law No. 14/2014 asserts that mining sector together with marine/fisheries and forest policy no longer become regency’s policy domain. They are withdrawn to be the provincial government’s authority. The former law was issued to respond to the strengthening demand of decentralization from the local regions but then was proven to merely result in the rising of new oligarchs in local mining governance. The later was meant to be a revision for the past. Yet, after about four years implemented, it is not free from other potentials of problems and complexities. Learning from the stagnancy of the mining problems in Central Java, it is clear that clarifying each government institution’s roles, and strengthening inclusion from the people are crucial.


2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ragnhild Louise Muriaas

AbstractIn a referendum in July 2005 the people of Uganda voted overwhelmingly in support of reintroducing the multiparty system. As a result, one expected an increase in candidates running on party tickets other than the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) in the local elections in March 2006. However, the findings in this article reveal that politicians challenging the incumbent preferred to be non-partisan candidates rather than members of the opposition parties. Based on semi-structured interviews with 198 local leaders, this article connects local perspectives on the reintroduction of the multiparty system with well-known explanations of weak opposition in Africa, and discloses how formal institutions and people's notions of representation limit the prospects of the opposition at the local level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
Daniel Hummel

A small but growing area of public administration scholarship appreciates the influence of religious values on various aspects of government. This appreciation parallels a growing interest in comparative public administration and indigenized forms of government which recognizes the role of culture in different approaches to government. This article is at the crossroads of these two trends while also considering a very salient region, the Islamic world. The Islamic world is uniquely religious, which makes this discussion even more relevant, as the nations that represent them strive towards legitimacy and stability. The history and core values of Islam need to be considered as they pertain to systems of government that are widely accepted by the people. In essence, this is being done in many countries across the Islamic world, providing fertile grounds for public administration research from a comparative perspective. This paper explores these possibilities for future research on this topic.


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