The Lost Sexenio: Vicente Fox and the New Politics of Economic Reform in Mexico

2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Pastor ◽  
Carol Wise

AbstractThe 2000 presidential election of opposition candidate Vicente Fox signaled an end to seven decades of Mexico's single-party regime and seemed to herald the advent of truly competitive politics. But by 2003, economic reform had largely stalled, and Fox's party suffered a historically unprecedented midterm loss in the congress. This article analyzes the underpinnings of policy gridlock in the Fox administration. Fox inherited the need for microeconomic restructuring and increased competitiveness, more innovative and pragmatic state policies, the need to pay attention to the country's sharp income inequalities, and the challenge of crafting a political strategy that could build a middle ground and foster policy consensus. With his party's minority standing in the congress, Fox was constrained from the start by divided government. But more effective statecraft and coalition building would have helped. These will be essential elements for the success of any post-Fox regime.

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 256 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Craig ◽  
Henrik Moller ◽  
Denis Saunders ◽  
Morgan Williams

New Zealanders are constantly reminded of their degraded environment and the threatened status of their unique plants, animals and ecosystems. Instead of presenting these as symptoms of unsustainable living and the socio-economic system that rewards this, there has been a propensity to treat these as independent problems needing individual solutions with insufficient resources allocated to implement the solutions. For example, conservation of native biota and ecosystem protection are viewed as biological problems that are mainly the responsibility of government to be addressed through a government-based reserve system. In contrast, the Tahi Group view a diverse native biota and healthy ecosystems as essential elements of New Zealanders’ heritage that require social engagement and innovative economic reform. Most of all, the New Zealand conservation paradigm needs to be broadened to encourage collaboration of a wider range of stakeholders and land owners and the application of new tools for learning how best to reverse ongoing decline of native biota and degradation of ecosystems. Diversification of conservation strategies has begun in small “bottomup” ways in communities, organizations, businesses and institutions, powered by commitment and energy of many individual citizens. These strategies, where monitored, demonstrate effective and efficient actions that inspires hope for a future that fully integrates conservation as a normal and an essential component of a prosperous economy and healthy South Pacific society with little or no government input. We make a plea to move from the constant reiteration of conservation problems to a focus on developing and implementing solutions to these problems with the engagement of all New Zealanders.


Significance US President Donald Trump has left the Trans-Pacific Partnership and escalated trade frictions with China. The USMCA, by contrast, shows a trade deal renegotiated, the implementation of which will be watched for its implications for other US trade activity, especially with the presidential election coming in November. Impacts COVID-19 disruptions mean some aspects of the USMCA, such as rules of origin, will be delayed. If Trump is re-elected, he will continue his tariff-driven efforts to secure Chinese economic reform for US firms. Biden would aspire to strengthen US-Asian trade ties but would focus first on smoothing trade with existing partners. China and neighbours should assume a Mexican challenge to their production, especially of autos, steel and textiles. Trump will tout the USMCA as evidence his trade reform agenda works.


Author(s):  
Matthew Stibbe

This chapter examines the functioning and communication of arrangements for power-sharing between political parties in the middle years of the Weimar Republic. It looks at the formation of coalitions at Reich and state level; the role played both by the development of a specific parliamentary culture and by pressures stemming from symbolic and real conflicts beyond the control of the Reichstag and provisional legislatures; the place of the press and press policy; and the slide towards growing political fragmentation, especially after 1928. It also broadens the analysis of coalition-building to encompass the temporary and highly unstable alliances forged between rival forces at the time of direct elections. This includes both the two-round presidential election campaign of March–April 1925, and the two national referendums fought by popular demand during the Weimar period, one in June 1926 over the issue of confiscation of the property of former princely households, and the other in December 1929 over a right-wing proposal to reject the Young Plan.


Author(s):  
Michael D. Robinson

This chapter probes the presidential contest of 1860 between four major candidates: Democrat Stephen Douglas; Southern Democrat John C. Breckinridge; Republican Abraham Lincoln; and Constitutional Unionist John Bell. The chapter demonstrates that in spite of the political polarization within the nation and the ill-effects of John Brown’s raid, the moderate, middle ground political outlook of most white border southerners remarkably endured. The chapter contains a close inspection of each major party’s political activity within the Border South in the months before the election of 1860. It also includes a close analysis of the election results in both the presidential election and the 1860 Missouri gubernatorial election to demonstrate the staying power of the Border South’s moderate political notion.


2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-384
Author(s):  
André Joyal

Abstract Since there is a relatively large number of publications on the Hungarian economic reform—generally known as the New Economic Mechanism—the purpose of this paper is not so much to present the different aspects of the system as to show both the problems and results which one can identify seven years after its adoption. At the end of 1973, the State increased its control of the economy. We try to demonstrate that in so doing the national authorities did not mean to reopen the question of the "liberalization" of the economy, but above all wanted to make some reajustments in the economic policy in view of the effects of the world crisis on prices and wage policy. The difficulties Hungary has recently known have been attributed to market-socialism by orthodox socialists who are opposed to this policy. On the other hand some of the architects of the N.E.M. maintain that the present model does not fully correspond to market socialism. One must admit that indeed many elements of the economic problems (inflation, income inequalities, development of monopolistic power) that can be identified in Hungary are linked with the disadvantages of a decentralized socialist model. However, in spite of these problems the achievements of the Hungarian economy are worthy of mention. The economic authorities do not conceal their price at having exceeded the forecasts of the 1971-1976 five year Plan. Even if, as several writers maintain, the introduction of the market is not a panacea for all the flaws of socialism in general, Hungary through its past experience and present endeavours provides valuable information to all those interested in studying a synthesis of planning and the market.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 810-829
Author(s):  
Michael Kolkmann

The 2018 Congressional elections ended with an ambivalent result for both the Democrats and Republicans . The turnout recorded the best result in almost a century . The Democrats were able to recapture a significant majority in the U .S . House of Representatives by winning particularly among white and female voters while solidifying their support among Democrats-leaning groups like African-Americans and Hispanics . The Republicans were not only able to defend their slim majority in the U .S . Senate but even increased their majority by two seats . The current 116th Congress, especially the House of Representatives, represents the most diverse make-up in history . At the same time, it is one of the politically least experienced . Under the current conditions of divided government an intensified confrontation between the Democrats in the House of Representatives and President Trump can be expected . Moreover, the forthcoming 2020 presidential election already casts its shadows . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 810 - 829]


Author(s):  
Scott A. Beaulier ◽  
Daniel J. Smith

One of the lingering questions for development economists is that of economic transition and whether development can be promoted by a strong political leader. Earlier writings on leadership and economic development tend to fall into one of two camps: (1) leaders matter and can contribute positively to economic growth, or (2) leaders seldom have positive effects and, at best, can avoid doing a great deal of harm. This article establishes a third option—a middle-ground position—between these two views. Good leadership can, indeed, have a positive effect on economic growth but only during the initial moment when economic reform is up for grabs. Once the opportunity to implement sweeping reform has passed, interests become entrenched, and the opportunity for growth-enhancing reform passes. Bad leaders, on the other hand, can hamper economic growth in periods well beyond the ideal reform moment.


Subject Outlook for the presidential election. Significance The centre-left Workers’ Party (PT) and the centre-right Social Democrats (PSDB) won or finished second in all six presidential elections between 1994 and 2014. During this period, most other parties gravitated around these two. A large block with little ideology -- including the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) -- would ally with whoever was in power. The economic and political crises of recent years seemed to have destroyed the duopoly exerted by the PT and the PSDB, but the coalition-building process ahead of this year’s presidential vote has shown they retain significant leverage. Impacts The next Congress will be highly fragmented. The next president will probably become weak quickly. There will be a narrow window of opportunity to pass meaningful reforms.


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