School Health: A National Policy Issue In The Soviet Union

1983 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-94
Author(s):  
Elaine J. Stone
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
School Health ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
The Soviet Union

De-Russification of Government as a Factor in the Disintegration of the USSR

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-398
Author(s):  
Boris Mironov
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Administrative Positions ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Democratic Principle ◽  
Legislative Branch

Abstract In the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1990, the political inequality of the nationalities’ representation in institutions of governance was overcome, non-Russians’ participation in the power structures increased, and Russians’ role in administration correspondingly decreased. The increased non-Russian percentage in governance was mainly due to the introduction of the democratic principle in government formation, according to which ethnicities should participate in proportion to their number. By 1990 in the USSR overall, Russians had a slight majority in all power structures, corresponding roughly to their higher share in the country’s population. In the union republics, however, the situation was different. Only in the RSFSR did all peoples, Russian and non-Russian, participate in government administration in proportion to their numbers, following the democratic norm. Elsewhere, Russians were underrepresented and therefore discriminated against in all organs of power, including the legislative branch. Representatives of non-Russian titular nationalities, who on average filled two-thirds of all administrative positions, predominated in disproportion to their numbers. Given these representatives’ skill majority in legislative bodies, republican constitutions permitted them to adopt any laws and resolutions they desired, including laws on secession from the USSR; and the executive and judicial authorities, together with law enforcement, would undoubtedly support them. Thus, the structural prerequisites for disintegration were established. Thereafter, the fate of the Soviet Union depended on republican elites and the geopolitical environment, because of the Center’s purposeful national policy, aimed toward increasing non-Russian representation among administrative cadres and the accelerated modernization and developmental equalization of the republics.

The Idea of Just War

2021 ◽  
pp. 141-142
Author(s):  
Martin Wight
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Law ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
National Policy ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Holy War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cold War

In this note Wight describes pendulum swings in opinion about the requirements of justice in war in Western civilization since the Middle Ages. Medieval Catholicism emphasized the righteousness of the ruler’s cause and asserted orthodoxy against infidels or heretics. Prominent writers on international law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Gentili, Grotius, and Vattel) marked a shift toward secularization and rationalism (with both sides usually able to claim justice) and restraint in the laws of war governing the methods of combat. Moser’s study of international law, published in 1777–1780, was representative of an ‘age of positivism’ (1763–1918) in which all sovereign states had a right to resort to war or to remain neutral, while codifying obligations concerning the conduct of war. The Covenant of the League of Nations, signed in 1919, initiated a return to restrictions on the right to resort to war, reinforced by the 1928 Kellogg–Briand Pact, also known as the General Treaty for the Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy, which was upheld by the Nuremberg Tribunals. The Covenant ruled out aggression as unjust, while action in defence of the Covenant would be just by enforcing collective security. The Soviet Union reintroduced Holy War with its view of the Great Patriotic War (World War II) and the Cold War as just causes that advanced Communist revolutionary objectives. Counter-force strategies of nuclear deterrence may be regarded as strengthening restraint in the methods of war, compared to counter-value or ‘anti-city’ approaches.

An Illusion of Security

2018 ◽  
pp. 65-95
Author(s):  
Laurence R. Jurdem
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
National Review ◽  
Public Policy Issue ◽  
The Soviet Union

Nixon’s policy of détente eventually led the United States and the Soviet Union to sign an arms agreement in Moscow in 1972 at what became known as the first Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT). While symbolically the negotiations were considered significant, they did not do a great deal to limit the arms race. Nixon’s resignation in 1974 left the future of SALT in the hands of Vice President Gerald Ford. The treaty was scheduled to expire that year, and the longtime congressman from Michigan was determined to make progress with Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev. However, due to difficulties during the SALT II negotiations and Ford’s abbreviated presidency, Jimmy Carter inherited the unfinished arms control negotiations when he took the oath of office in early 1977. As American and Soviet negotiators focused on finalizing the SALT II arms agreement, Commentary, National Review, and Human Events expressed their concern over the ongoing debate between the two superpowers about nuclear and chemical weapons. That contentious public policy issue was not simply about arms control but was symbolic of the state of American foreign policy itself.

The Military in America

Worldview ◽  
1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Roger Hilsman
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
Fundamental Issue ◽  
Defense Department ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Reorganization Plan ◽  
The Military

The President's Reorganization Plan for the Defense Department, so much in the news these past few months, brings before us a fundamental issue that every democracy must face anew in times of threat and crisis. The issue—the role that the military shall play in our society and in the making of our national policy—is familiar. What makes it compelling is the siege the Soviet Union has laid to the United States and the Western world and the peculiarly fearsome dangers of war fought with missiles and thermonuclear warheads.So long as the nations of the world must rely for their security principally on themselves, they will continue to establish armed forces for their protection against outside threats. But every democratic society faces the danger that these forces of arms and of men trained in their use will be used against the society that created them.

scholarly journals Subject and Thematic Field of Gastronomic Journalism: from Entertaining Content to the Issues of Russian National Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Reva ◽  
Tatiana Ogorodnikova ◽  
Tatiana Mikhailova ◽  
Darya Arekhina ◽  
Sergei Kubrin
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Ethnic Culture ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Journalism Students ◽  
Definition Of

Bringing up to date the issue of mass media typology, the authors of the article research such line of modern journalism as gastronomic journalism. As far as this topic has not been studied well enough yet, journalistic periodicals (social and political, business, geographical, gastronomic magazines, tabloids for men and women), television programs (“Rare People” at the channel “My Planet”, “Russia, My Love!” at the channel ‘Russia-Culture”, the content of breakfast broadcasting of “the First Channel”) and the multimedia project of the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union “This is Caucasus” (section “A Good Taste”) are analyzed. The objective of the article is to determine the subject thematic range of gastronomic journalism, by studying the gastronomic content of mass media, and also to consider the functions of gastronomic journalism in the context of Media representations of peoples’ ethnic culture, namely of the indigenous minorities of Russia and of the North Caucasus peoples. In the course of the analysis, the features of the gastronomic topic in the representation context of the Russia peoples’ ethnic culture are revealed, the role of gastronomic journalism in terms of implementation of the strategy objectives of the Russian Federation State National Policy for the period up to 2025 as far as spreading knowledge about the peoples’ history and culture is concerned. To determine the effective resources of gastronomic journalism such methods and approaches as system, semiotic, cultural, typological and content analysis are used. A definition of gastronomic journalism, which determines the direction of studies of mass media and media in general, is given in this article. The authors come to the conclusion that not only recreational, advertising and informative but also cultural and educational functions of journalism are implemented through the gastronomic topic. Moreover, the importance of studying gastronomic journalism for education of journalism students and future caterers is considered in the article. A topical issue of gastronomic journalism development in Russian regions is emphasized.

scholarly journals Ethnopolitics as Co‑operation and Coexistence: The Case‑Study of the Jewish Autonomous Region in Siberia

Politeja ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (8 (31/2)) ◽  
pp. 123-142
Author(s):  
Alessandro Vitale
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Jewish Settlement

It would be a mistake to assume that ethnopolitics is only a matter of confrontation between different ethnic groups. On the contrary, there is a range of examples where it is pursued in a spirit of compromise and co‑operation. One of them is the case of the Jewish Autonomous Region of Birobidzhan, in Post‑Soviet Russia. Often ethnic groups realize that co‑operation and cultural coexistence are more profitable than conflict. Beginning in 1928 the Soviet Union set aside a territory the size of Belgium for Jewish settlement, located some five thousands miles east of Moscow along the Soviet‑Chinese border. Believing that Soviet Jewish people, like other national minorities, deserved a territorial homeland, the regime decided to settle an enclave that would become the Jewish Autonomous Region in 1934. In fact, the establishment of the JAR was the first instance of an officially acknowledged Jewish national territory since ancient times. But the history of the Region was tragic and the experiment failed dismally. Nevertheless, Birobidzhan’s renewed existence of today is not only a curious legacy of Soviet national policy, but after the break‑up of the Soviet Union and the definite religious rebirth, represents an interesting case‑study in respect to interethnic relations.

scholarly journals Радянські шведи в пошуках кращого життя: між Швецією та СРСР

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-120
Author(s):  
Тетяна Леонідівна Кудрицька
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Interest Rates ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Swedish Society ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Set Up

The article analyzes the short period of the Soviet Swedes living outside the USSR in Sweden (while their re-emigration). It is proved that majority of the native Swedes saw the common roots with the Soviet Swedes diaspora, approved their reunion and admired their ability to preserve national identity for a long period (about two hundred years) of living outside Sweden. Their arrival in the Motherland was called as reunification. However, there was also a different opinion among the native Swedish society. Some parts of the Swedes were criticising the Swedish government for the financial support of the resettlement. In the context of the economic crisis in the country, the Soviet Swedes were considered as a labor force. The Swedish government set up a committee to take care of the migrants` adaptation. The committee planned to сonnect the Soviet Swedes to successful farmers so that they could get business experience. The settlers were reported that all the money, having spent on their settlement, was only a government loan that they would have to repay. The mismatch between the expectations and the reality, the new conditions and requirements (loans and interest rates, capitalist competition and a new type of society) they faced, gave rise to the Soviet Swedes' desire to seek an even better fate. The last one they traditionally associated with relocation and emigration. Under the influence of the communist propaganda, some poor Swedes decided to return to the USSR. Changing their plans for future, they considered their departure to Sweden as a reckless step and proclaimed the Soviet Union their only true homeland. The back return of 265 Swedes (33% of the diaspora) to the USSR proved that the mentality of the Ukrainian Swedish immigrants had been changed by the Bolsheviks power and national policy. It turned out that the paternalistic policy of the state during the Russian Empire and the uninitiated life during the Soviet era (when the Swedes realized that nothing depended on them) did make some of them a kind of "other" people. This thing changed them so much that they were ready to be satisfied with small possibilities. That is why they were unable to take risks, could not live under the condition of competitive society and capitalist market. 

scholarly journals Ob-Ugric markers on the pages of newspapers of Khanty-Mansiysk National Okrug, Omsk and Tyumen Oblasts in the 1930–1945s

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-585
Author(s):  
А. G. Kiselev ◽  
◽  
S. V. Onina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
National Policy ◽  
10Th Anniversary ◽  
Local Newspapers ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Symbolic Meanings ◽  
History Of ◽  
Literature Education

Introduction: the 1930–1945s in the history of the USSR were the era of revolutionary changes and shocks, which were reflected, among other things, on national policy. In terms of research, it seems promising to study the Soviet national discourse, its Ob-Ugric component – a kind of reflection of the restructuring realities of Khanty- Mansiysk National Okrug and at the same time their transforming power. Objective: to give characteristic of the historical development of the Soviet «Ob-Ugric» discourse in the 1930–1945s. Research materials: the titles of regional and local newspapers of the 1931–1945s, collection «The Revived People» published for the 10th anniversary of Khanty-Mansiysk Okrug, as well as minutes of meetings of the Okrug Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Results and novelty of the research: the analysis showed that: 1. In the titles of newspapers the Ob-Ugric markers were usually used in the Soviet context, therefore their symbolic meanings were «muted», «extinguished». 2. This symbolic weakness, as well as the concentration of the most colorful markers (ethnonyms in materials devoted to languages, literature, education and folk art) clearly shows the limited recognition of the national, permissible by the Soviet officialdom in accordance with the Stalinist formula of «national in form» and «socialist in content» culture. 3. Comparison of the newspaper titles pre-war and war time indicates a weakening of positions of the Ob-Ugric. The Okrug newspaper refused to publish materials in the Khanty and Mansi languages, the use of ethnonyms of indigenous peoples, as well as other lexemes denoting the signs that distinguish the Khanty and Mansi from other ethnic groups, significantly decreased. The national theme as a whole did not disappear, but it «sank» directly into the texts, leaving newspaper titles. The national factor of mobilization continued to be used by newspapers during the war period. The novelty of the work is determined by the introduction to scientific circulation the titles of newspapers of Khanty-Mansiysk Okrug in the 1930–1945s, the study of national policy towards the Khanty and Mansi peoples as the Soviet discourse in its officious and propaganda version.

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