De-Russification of Government as a Factor in the Disintegration of the USSR

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-398
Author(s):  
Boris Mironov
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Administrative Positions ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Democratic Principle ◽  
Legislative Branch

Abstract In the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1990, the political inequality of the nationalities’ representation in institutions of governance was overcome, non-Russians’ participation in the power structures increased, and Russians’ role in administration correspondingly decreased. The increased non-Russian percentage in governance was mainly due to the introduction of the democratic principle in government formation, according to which ethnicities should participate in proportion to their number. By 1990 in the USSR overall, Russians had a slight majority in all power structures, corresponding roughly to their higher share in the country’s population. In the union republics, however, the situation was different. Only in the RSFSR did all peoples, Russian and non-Russian, participate in government administration in proportion to their numbers, following the democratic norm. Elsewhere, Russians were underrepresented and therefore discriminated against in all organs of power, including the legislative branch. Representatives of non-Russian titular nationalities, who on average filled two-thirds of all administrative positions, predominated in disproportion to their numbers. Given these representatives’ skill majority in legislative bodies, republican constitutions permitted them to adopt any laws and resolutions they desired, including laws on secession from the USSR; and the executive and judicial authorities, together with law enforcement, would undoubtedly support them. Thus, the structural prerequisites for disintegration were established. Thereafter, the fate of the Soviet Union depended on republican elites and the geopolitical environment, because of the Center’s purposeful national policy, aimed toward increasing non-Russian representation among administrative cadres and the accelerated modernization and developmental equalization of the republics.

scholarly journals Derusification of Administration in USSR

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 436-458
Author(s):  
B. N. Mironov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Ethnic Discrimination ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Union Republic ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Full Compliance ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
The Russian Federation

Non-Russian peoples were represented in Russian power structures long before the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, but less than the democratic norm, which suggests de facto ethnic discrimination in the Empire. In Soviet times, the actual ethno-political inequality of peoples in the USSR was gradually overcome, and participation of non-Russians in power structures grew systematically and even accelerated, and the role of Russians decreased accordingly. The increase in non-Russians’ share in governmental bodies was almost exclusively due to an increase in their ethnic status. By 1979, Russians had a very small majority in all government structures in the USSR as a whole, except for the legislative branch, which roughly corresponded to their higher share in the country’s population (50.8 % in 1989). However, the situation was different in the Union republics. Only in the Russian Federation did all peoples, Russian and non-Russian, participate in governmental bodies in proportion to their numbers and in full compliance with the democratic norm. In Belarus, Moldova, and Uzbekistan, titular ethnic groups were underrepresented, and Russians were overrepresented. In Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Estonia, the representation of Russians was below the democratic norm, and in nine republics it was higher, but despite this, they did not have a majority in any union republic. This situation developed as a result of the center’s national policy, which aimed at strengthening the authorities with national personnel, accelerating the modernization of the Union republics and raising the level of development in the lagging republics to the level of the most developed republics.

Commentary the U.S. Military in Iraq: Are We Our Own Worst Enemy?

2004 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Christopher Varhola
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
Local Law Enforcement ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Chain Of Command ◽  
Local Law ◽  
Economic Considerations

Peacekeeping, even more than civil administration, requires significant adjustments by a military force. Although military forces have certain advantages, such as a centralized chain of command and a flexible decision-making apparatus, they also have certain disadvantages, including the focus on combat operations, sometimes to the exclusion of an understanding of indigenous power structures and socio-economic considerations. In Iraq, this was magnified by the military's lack of training in both the Arabic language and support activities, such as local law enforcement, government administration, and post-conflict reconstruction tasks ranging from maintenance of irrigation systems to the rebuilding of factories.

The Idea of Just War

2021 ◽  
pp. 141-142
Author(s):  
Martin Wight
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Law ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
National Policy ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Holy War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cold War

In this note Wight describes pendulum swings in opinion about the requirements of justice in war in Western civilization since the Middle Ages. Medieval Catholicism emphasized the righteousness of the ruler’s cause and asserted orthodoxy against infidels or heretics. Prominent writers on international law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Gentili, Grotius, and Vattel) marked a shift toward secularization and rationalism (with both sides usually able to claim justice) and restraint in the laws of war governing the methods of combat. Moser’s study of international law, published in 1777–1780, was representative of an ‘age of positivism’ (1763–1918) in which all sovereign states had a right to resort to war or to remain neutral, while codifying obligations concerning the conduct of war. The Covenant of the League of Nations, signed in 1919, initiated a return to restrictions on the right to resort to war, reinforced by the 1928 Kellogg–Briand Pact, also known as the General Treaty for the Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy, which was upheld by the Nuremberg Tribunals. The Covenant ruled out aggression as unjust, while action in defence of the Covenant would be just by enforcing collective security. The Soviet Union reintroduced Holy War with its view of the Great Patriotic War (World War II) and the Cold War as just causes that advanced Communist revolutionary objectives. Counter-force strategies of nuclear deterrence may be regarded as strengthening restraint in the methods of war, compared to counter-value or ‘anti-city’ approaches.

scholarly journals A cook must not be bohed in his own soup...

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Yuri Golubitsky
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
Dominant Ideology ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Russian Empire

This article completes the series of publications, which explores the political and social phenomenon of the Russian dissent during his three-century history. It shows that the processes akin to convergence of the power and its opponents, primarily from intelligentsia, have first become apparent in the time of the Thaw and led to the mitigation of the confrontation between the power and dissenters. It has happened since this confrontation was caused not by ontological cruelty and psychopathology of people in law-enforcement bodies, but by century-long uncompromising class struggle in the Russian Empire and the USSR. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the rejection of socialism have happened in the end of 20th century overall dynamically and bloodlessly. The majority of the Russians saw in socialism with the domination of the State in the major fields of activity the main cause of the degradation of economy, underdevelopment of social sphere, dissociation with the rest of the world professing different forms of individualism. The rejection of a dominant ideology fixed in the Constitution of the New Russia, active inculcation of individual and corporative entrepreneurship has made the traditional dissent senseless, but have given rise to its new forms; dissent as business, in particular. Placidity in relation to disappearance “forever” of the “power-dissenters” confrontation has proved to be premature. In the future we have very likely to expect hot political discussions in the Internet and in power-controlled form in traditional media, but, in the main, young-people street protests. The goal of these coordinated and spontaneous actions – to take hold of information and power resources for the realization of no longer national but individual or corporative interests.

Companies’ interaction in the markets of joint productsin the context of the antitrust law enforcement

2017 ◽  
pp. 58-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Shastitko
Keyword(s):  
Game Theory ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Production Process ◽  
Production Technology ◽  
Theory Model ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Joint Products ◽  
Abuse Of Dominant Position

The article considers the particularities of the relations between companies in the markets of joint products in Russia. These particularities correspond, first, to the production technology, when one input through unit production process gives several products; second, to the consequences of the privatization of production facilities created during the Soviet Union period. The article offers a game theory model that shows how companies may use antitrust authority in their interaction strategies. This in addition to other reasons might explain the amount of cases on the abuse of dominant position where companies, which produce joint products, are involved.

The Military in America

Worldview ◽  
1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Roger Hilsman
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
Fundamental Issue ◽  
Defense Department ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Reorganization Plan ◽  
The Military

The President's Reorganization Plan for the Defense Department, so much in the news these past few months, brings before us a fundamental issue that every democracy must face anew in times of threat and crisis. The issue—the role that the military shall play in our society and in the making of our national policy—is familiar. What makes it compelling is the siege the Soviet Union has laid to the United States and the Western world and the peculiarly fearsome dangers of war fought with missiles and thermonuclear warheads.So long as the nations of the world must rely for their security principally on themselves, they will continue to establish armed forces for their protection against outside threats. But every democratic society faces the danger that these forces of arms and of men trained in their use will be used against the society that created them.

Stalinism and the Meaning of Titoism

1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-238
Author(s):  
Roy Macridis
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Red Army

The Soviet-Yugoslav dispute and the subsequent defection of the Yugoslav Communist Party from the ranks of the Cominform early in 1948 took the world by surprise. This surprise was in itself indicative of our belief that Stalinist control was to be taken for granted at least in the areas where the local Communist parties had come to power through direct or indirect help from the Soviet Union and particularly from the Red Army. Even when no such help had been given, the ideological affinities of Communist states and their need of alliances to preserve the Communist power structures would lead, it was believed, to a tightening of relations with the Soviet Union and to Soviet predominance. In other words, we tended to accept without question the premises of Stalinism.

scholarly journals Subject and Thematic Field of Gastronomic Journalism: from Entertaining Content to the Issues of Russian National Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Reva ◽  
Tatiana Ogorodnikova ◽  
Tatiana Mikhailova ◽  
Darya Arekhina ◽  
Sergei Kubrin
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Ethnic Culture ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Journalism Students ◽  
Definition Of

Bringing up to date the issue of mass media typology, the authors of the article research such line of modern journalism as gastronomic journalism. As far as this topic has not been studied well enough yet, journalistic periodicals (social and political, business, geographical, gastronomic magazines, tabloids for men and women), television programs (“Rare People” at the channel “My Planet”, “Russia, My Love!” at the channel ‘Russia-Culture”, the content of breakfast broadcasting of “the First Channel”) and the multimedia project of the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union “This is Caucasus” (section “A Good Taste”) are analyzed. The objective of the article is to determine the subject thematic range of gastronomic journalism, by studying the gastronomic content of mass media, and also to consider the functions of gastronomic journalism in the context of Media representations of peoples’ ethnic culture, namely of the indigenous minorities of Russia and of the North Caucasus peoples. In the course of the analysis, the features of the gastronomic topic in the representation context of the Russia peoples’ ethnic culture are revealed, the role of gastronomic journalism in terms of implementation of the strategy objectives of the Russian Federation State National Policy for the period up to 2025 as far as spreading knowledge about the peoples’ history and culture is concerned. To determine the effective resources of gastronomic journalism such methods and approaches as system, semiotic, cultural, typological and content analysis are used. A definition of gastronomic journalism, which determines the direction of studies of mass media and media in general, is given in this article. The authors come to the conclusion that not only recreational, advertising and informative but also cultural and educational functions of journalism are implemented through the gastronomic topic. Moreover, the importance of studying gastronomic journalism for education of journalism students and future caterers is considered in the article. A topical issue of gastronomic journalism development in Russian regions is emphasized.

Notes of The Tale of the Rout of Mamai in the Context of the Collective Imagery Concerning the Battle of Kulikovo

2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-241
Author(s):  
Kati Parppei
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Illustrative Case ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
External Threat ◽  
Major Turning Point ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Illustrative Case Study

Representations of military exploits are commonly used as “building material” in the post-Soviet reconstruction of collective identities. In the case of medieval battles, the scarcity of sources as well as temporal distance has allowed the production of relatively liberal representations, making them adjustable material for supporting contemporary ideas and power structures. The Battle of Kulikovo provides an illustrative case study. It took place in 1380 between troops commanded by Muscovite Grand Prince Dmitrii Ivanovich and Mongolian Emir Mamai. In Russian national historiography the battle has been considered as a major turning point. One of the most central sources used by national historians has been The Tale of the Rout of Mamai, presumably originally produced at the turn of the 16th century. In this article the text is examined as a reflection of certain contemporary religious-political developments. It can be claimed that the dualistic approach of the text, which emphasizes unified resistance against an external threat, has been applicable in strengthening ideas of internal cohesion in the Grand Duchy of Muscovy, the Russian empire and the Soviet Union, as well as post-Soviet Russia, creating an anachronistically toned basis for the collective imagery concerning the battle.

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