Effects of convincing power and neutrality on minority opinion spreading

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (06) ◽  
pp. 1750058 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yue Wu ◽  
Xi Xiong ◽  
Yi Zhang

The dynamics evolution of the minority opinion in public debates is studied using a convincing power (CP) model with neutrality. In a given group, an agent with a definite standpoint (yes or no) can be persuaded to be a neutral agent, if its capacity of persuasion is lower than the average CP of its opponents. Besides that a neutral agent will change its state and follow a more persuasive opinion. Starting from two opposite opinions with different rates, repeated local discussions are found to drive the minority reversal. It reveals that in addition to the initial minority, the number of neutral agents is also an important factor to the eventual winners. During the process of consensus, there exists a threshold of initial fraction to guarantee one side win. The results have a guiding significance for designing strategies to win a public debate.

2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312110283
Author(s):  
Judith Simon ◽  
Gernot Rieder

Ever since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, questions of whom or what to trust have become paramount. This article examines the public debates surrounding the initial development of the German Corona-Warn-App in 2020 as a case study to analyse such questions at the intersection of trust and trustworthiness in technology development, design and oversight. Providing some insights into the nature and dynamics of trust and trustworthiness, we argue that (a) trust is only desirable and justified if placed well, that is, if directed at those being trustworthy; that (b) trust and trustworthiness come in degrees and have both epistemic and moral components; and that (c) such a normatively demanding understanding of trust excludes technologies as proper objects of trust and requires that trust is directed at socio-technical assemblages consisting of both humans and artefacts. We conclude with some lessons learned from our case study, highlighting the epistemic and moral demands for trustworthy technology development as well as for public debates about such technologies, which ultimately requires attributing epistemic and moral duties to all actors involved.


Author(s):  
Alifa Chandra Kumara ◽  
Dian Suluh Kusuma Dewi

This year, regional head elections were held in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic so that social media can be used as a means of online campaigns to reduce mass gathering. This research was conducted to see the response of the Ponorogo community in participating in online public debates and to assess people's political participation by analyzing public comments on public debate shows on YouTube and Facebook. The data is processed using the Nvivo12 plus application by using cross tabulation data analysis techniques with manual coding then the results of the data obtained are described and analyzed in accordance with the theory of response and political participation. The data obtained on Facebook and YouTube were 772 responses with details of 357 responses on Facebook and 415 responses on YouTube. The responses given are in the form of positive, negative, and neutral responses. The process of obtaining data on public response is in accordance with the S-O-R response theory (Stimulus, Organism, Response) and the stage of response formation, as well as the political participation of the Ponorogo community is high enough to see the debate shows but the level of activeness in giving responses is less active.


2005 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 1001-1018
Author(s):  
Patrick Robardet ◽  
Daniel Mockle ◽  
John Clifford ◽  
Mario Bouchard

The authors comment on the capacity of the law to resolve problems concerning public participation in energy questions. Problems of clarity of language and consensus about objects arise in most public debates about energy. Although a particular public participation exercise may be intended to treat issues related to one policy level, questions invariably arise concerning other policy levels, be they strategic or operational. Ideally, the timing of public debate should be determined in function of the ends such debates are expected to serve, but this is difficult because of the diverse functions to be served by participation. As well, the exercise is less clear because of problems of access to and manipulation of information. Nevertheless, impartial decision-making is still perceived as leading to the best results, although the inherent limits of public participation are recognized. In the final analysis, the problems posed by public participation are not ones the law, which is contentious in orientation, can remedy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-47
Author(s):  
René Boomkens

The founders of Krisis saw their journal as part of Rudi Dutschke’s ‘long march through the institutions’: a philosophical journal that would criticize and change the practices and institutions of academic philosophy from within. Philosophy should play a critical and emancipatory role in society and in intellectual and public debates, and the journal could help to enhance that role. Academic philosophy did change, but in a rather different direction: new public management took over and submitted academic research and education to a new regime of entrepeneurial efficiency and disciplinary competition. To survive, Krisis metamorphosized several times and is now a broad bilingual online journal for intellectual debate and research with a loose relationship with academic philosophy. If it strengthens this identity, it can continue to play an intermediary role between academic research and public debate, in both directions  


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492097310
Author(s):  
Birgit Røe Mathisen ◽  
Lisbeth Morlandstø

The article investigates how the regional newspaper Nordlys facilitates public debate in the Arctic region of Norway. In 2014, Nordlys launched Nordnorsk debatt, a new development of the traditional letters to the editor, offering possibilities for audiences to comment and participate in public debates online. The article is based on a study of 883 opinion pieces posted on this website in 2017 and 2018. We analyse the individuals who access Nordnorsk debatt; we identify role and formal positions of the participants, and what issues they engage in. We also discuss how Nordnorsk debatt might contribute to dialogue and diversity in the regional public debate. We find an increasing engagement over the 2 years and a variety of issues brought into public discussion. Although the debate forum has a broad scope of participants, the analyses suggest that it is primarily a forum for the elites. Despite this, even if grassroots representatives do not dominate the agenda, their opinion pieces are mostly shared and disseminated.


English Today ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Dollinger

This paper reflects on ‘standards’ in Canadian English in scholarly research and the public debate about English in Canada from a number of viewpoints. The goals of these reflections are three-fold. First, I aim to characterize the chasm between scholarly and public debates about a language ‘standard’ in Canadian English (CanE). While this debate is not new (e.g. Kretzschmar, 2009: 1–5 for a recent example), its application in the Canadian context is a desideratum. Second, I aim to characterize the standard in CanE from a demographic point of view: what is this standard and, above all, which Canadians (and, more importantly, how many) presently speak it? And third, what can linguists who research Canadian English offer to the public, and how can the perceived gap in knowledge be bridged?


Author(s):  
Bjørn Hofmann ◽  
Siri Granum Carson

Filosofi og etikk har fått en stadig større plass i det offentlige rom i Norge. 2017 ble et år der filosofer sørget for overskrifter i en rekke norske medier. En av sakene som fikk størst oppmerksomhet, var debatten om sorteringssamfunnet og Aksel Braanen Sterris påstand om at personer med Downs syndrom ikke kan leve fullverdige liv. Utsagnet skapte en voldsom debatt og kraftige reaksjoner. Temaet for debatten er interessant i seg selv, men den reiser også spørsmål om hvordan slike debatter endrer filosofiens anseelse og rolle i det offentlige ordskiftet i Norge. I denne artikkelen stiller vi derfor spørsmålet: På hvilken måte har debatten om sorteringssamfunnet i 2017 påvirket forholdet mellom filosofi og samfunn? Som perspektiv for analysen anvender vi tradisjonelle kvalitetskriterier innen filosofi, slik som konsistens, klare premisser og evnen til å klargjøre begreper, fremstille motargumenter og begrunne grenser. Vi finner at debatten om sorteringssamfunnet utvilsomt har gitt filosofien mer oppmerksomhet i det offentlige ordskiftet, og at filosofisk argumentasjon kan bidra til å løfte frem skjulte problemstillinger og sette ord på uuttalte intuisjoner, samt å stimulere til bedre argumentasjon. Dette bør hilses velkommen. Samtidig finner vi at filosofiens tilpasning til mediediskursen fører til at akademiske forbehold tradisjonelle kvalitetskrav og nyansering forsvinner. Dersom skjulte premisser, manglende konsistens, begrepslige og vurderingsmessige uklarheter, samt ignorering av empiriske premisser, motargumenter og viktige implikasjoner blir utbredt, vil resultatet kunne bli en fattigere offentlig debatt, et dårligere samfunn og et svekket omdømme for filosofien. Løsningen må være at vi som fagpersoner er villige til å gjøre klart og grundig rede for våre påstander, perspektiver, premisser, argumenter og konklusjoner, og at vi bør revidere eller trekke dem tilbake dersom vi ikke makter å gjøre dette. Ellers står vi i fare for å gjøre filosofien til en form for «villedningskunst» – en ny form for sofisme – og et lett bytte for platonsk fordømmelse. Nøkkelord: Filosofisk argumentasjon, offentlig debatt, sorteringssamfunnet, Downs syndrom, konsekvensetikk English summary: The role of philosophy in public debate - A content analysis of the debate on the "sorting society" in Norway in 2017 Philosophy and ethics has recently gained increased attention in Norway. During 2017 philosophers hit the headlines in Norwegian media. One of the issues that gained most attention was the debate on “the differentiation/sorting society” (sorteringssamfunnet). The debate was sparked by Aksel Braanen Sterri’s statement that persons with Downs’s syndrome cannot live full lives related to the issue of introducing non-invasive prenatal screening (NIPT). While the debate is interesting in terms of its content, we will in this article focus on in what way the debate in 2017 has affected the relationship between philosophy and society, in particular the role and reputation of philosophy in public debates. To analyse the debate we apply traditional quality criteria within philosophy such as consistency, clear premises and the ability to clarify concepts, present counter-arguments and limitations. We find that the debate about “the sorting society” undoubtedly has given philosophy more public attention, and that philosophers can help raise covert or forgotten issues and explicate unspoken intuitions, as well as stimulate improved argumentation. This should be welcomed. At the same time, we find that philosophy's adaptation to the media discourse eliminates academic reservations and nuances. If hidden assumptions, lack of consistency, conceptual and evaluative uncertainties, as well as ignorance of empirical premises, counter-arguments, and important implications become widespread, the result could be a poorer public debate, an impoverished society, and a weakened reputation for philosophy. One solution is that we as professionals are willing to make our claims, perspectives, arguments, and conclusions clear and comprehensible, and that we are willing to revise or withdraw them if we are not able to do so. Otherwise, philosophy may become a form of "art of deception" - a new form of sophism - and an easy target for Platonic criticism. Keywords: Philosophical argumentation, public debate, discrimination, Down's syndrome, consequentialism


2019 ◽  
pp. 50-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Allen ◽  
Scott Blinder ◽  
Robert McNeil

This chapter addresses how research and public debate about migration interact with and inform each other, focusing on public perceptions and media coverage as important aspects. Factors including generalized public innumeracy about migration levels, effects of emotions on perceptions, and variation in the perceived credibility of different messengers make communicating information—of which research evidence is an important type—a complex process with multiple points of potential resistance. Meanwhile, the demands and expectations of public users and policy-makers can influence how research happens and the types of questions that are seen to be more meaningful. These interrelationships exist within wider social, political, and economic contexts that, in certain circumstances, are likely to favour some outcomes over others. In total, the chapter argues that the pathway from generating research evidence to impacting public debates is not only uncertain, it is also more complex than is often presumed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-279
Author(s):  
Niklas Hultin ◽  
Tone Sommerfelt

AbstractThis article examines the upsurge in denunciations of ‘tribalism’ in public debate during The Gambia's transition from the autocracy of Yahya Jammeh to the ‘New Gambia’ under President Adama Barrow. In these public debates, derogatory statements about particular ethnicities articulate fears of present or future alliances to monopolise political power. These fears are disproportionate to attempts of organised political mobilisation on ethnic grounds, which remain marginal. It is argued that accusatory politics are a salient, and neglected, feature of ethnic dynamics in contemporary Gambian – and African – politics. This politics of accusation involves the contestation and negotiation of moral legitimacy in the political sphere, in a manner challenging the separation of the moral and the political undergirding scholarly distinctions between ethnicity and tribalism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mun'im Sirry

This article discusses a different side of two controversial fatwas — one against Muslims participating in Christmas celebrations and the other against pluralism, liberalism and secularism — issued by the Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI, Council of Indonesian Ulama). Most studies on MUI have emphasised the role that the Council's fatwas have played in inciting sectarian violence in Indonesia. Without denying the connections between violence and the MUI fatwas, this article argues that these controversial fatwas have also opened up room for more fruitful and constructive discussions among different religious groups in Indonesia. This article asks: What were the roots of the controversy over these intolerant fatwas? How did the state respond to them? And what does the controversy over these fatwas tell us about the nature of public debate on Islam in Indonesia? By answering these questions this article will shed light on aspects of contemporary Indonesian public debates about Islam that have been overlooked in current scholarship.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document