scholarly journals A Class of Public Opinion Dissemination Model considering the Information Screening Mechanism

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Suyalatu Dong

This paper introduces an information screening mechanism based on the general SEIR model of public opinion dissemination in complex networks. Specifically, networks users screen the information disseminated in complex networks based on their knowledge reserve, life experience, and personal preferences. This screening mechanism filters the public opinion disseminated. Based on the quantitative analysis of this mechanism, we establish a new SEIR model of public opinion dissemination in complex networks. The simulation results on the Facebook network data set provide theoretical guidance for the formulation of effective public opinion suppression strategies.

Author(s):  
Zhiliang Xia ◽  
Zhijian Xiao ◽  
Cong Zheng ◽  
Xiaoling Zhang

The network data collection module is critical to the monitoring system of the public opinion on campus. To optimize the effect of network data collection, this study carried out comparative analysis on several different network data collection schemes, and formulated a data collection and filtering scheme based on the Libnids library. To improve the data collection performance, a multi-process pseudo-distributed processing scheme was prepared under multi-core CPU and the Linux framework. Finally, the proposed scheme was proved feasible and valuable in application based on campus public opinion monitoring system.


Symmetry ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Weidong Li ◽  
Tianyi Guo ◽  
Yunming Wang ◽  
Bo Chen

The DR-SCIR network public opinion propagation model was employed to study the characters of S-state users stopping transmitting information for the first time and secondary transmission of immune users. The model takes into account symmetry and complexity such as direct immunization and social reinforcement effect, proposes the probability of direct immunity Psr and the probability of transform from the immune state to the hesitant state Prc, and divides public opinion information into positive public opinion and negative public opinion based on whether the public opinion information is confirmed. Simulation results show that, when direct immunity Psr = 0.5, the density of I-state nodes in the model decreased by 54.12% at the peak index; when the positive social reinforcement effect factor b = 10, the density of I-state nodes in the model increased by 16.67% at the peak index; and when the negative social reinforcement effect factor b = -10, the density of I-state nodes in the model decreased by 55.36% at the peak index. It shows that increasing the positive social reinforcement effect factor b can promote the spread of positive public opinion, reducing the negative social reinforcement effect factor b can control the spread of negative public opinion, and direct immunization can effectively suppress the spread of public opinion. This model can help us better analyze the rules of public opinion on social networks, so as to maintain a healthy and harmonious network and social environment.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (11) ◽  
pp. 1350080 ◽  
Author(s):  
YUE WU ◽  
YONG HU ◽  
XIAO-HAI HE

In this paper, we introduce the concept of opinion entropy based on Shannon entropy, which is used to describe the uncertainty of opinions. With opinion entropy, we further present a public opinion formation model, and simulate the process of public opinion formation under various controlled conditions. Simulation results on the Holme–Kim network show that the opinion entropy will reduce to zero, and all individuals will hold the opinion of agreeing with the topic, only by adjusting the cons' opinions with a high control intensity. Controlling the individuals with big degree can bring down the opinion entropy in a short time. Besides, extremists do not easily change their opinion entropy. Compared with previous opinion clusters, opinion entropy provides a quantitative measurement for the uncertainty of opinions. Moreover, the model can be helpful for understanding the dynamics of opinion entropy, and controlling the public opinion.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeqing Zhao

Abstract The Sznajd model of sociophysics can describe the mechanism of making a decision in a closed community. The Complex Agent Networks (CAN) model is studied, based on the adaptability, autonomy and activity of the individuals, as well as the complex interactions of individuals in an open community for probing into evolution of the public opinion. With the help of the theory of complex adaptive systems and the methods of complex networks, the structure of agents, the dynamic networks scenarios and the evolutionary process of the agents are described. The simulation results of CAN model show that all individuals cannot reach a final consensus through mutual consultations when the small world networks rewiring probability p is less than a specified threshold. But when the rewiring probability p is larger than the given threshold, all individuals will eventually come to a finial consensus, and that the rewiring probability p increases, whereas the time of emergence of the public opinion will be significantly reduced. It is quite obvious that in real community the mass media and many other mechanisms have an effect on the evolutionary process of the public opinion.


2012 ◽  
pp. 24-47
Author(s):  
V. Gimpelson ◽  
G. Monusova

Using different cross-country data sets and simple econometric techniques we study public attitudes towards the police. More positive attitudes are more likely to emerge in the countries that have better functioning democratic institutions, less prone to corruption but enjoy more transparent and accountable police activity. This has a stronger impact on the public opinion (trust and attitudes) than objective crime rates or density of policemen. Citizens tend to trust more in those (policemen) with whom they share common values and can have some control over. The latter is a function of democracy. In authoritarian countries — “police states” — this tendency may not work directly. When we move from semi-authoritarian countries to openly authoritarian ones the trust in the police measured by surveys can also rise. As a result, the trust appears to be U-shaped along the quality of government axis. This phenomenon can be explained with two simple facts. First, publicly spread information concerning police activity in authoritarian countries is strongly controlled; second, the police itself is better controlled by authoritarian regimes which are afraid of dangerous (for them) erosion of this institution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 316-328
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Susca

Contemporary communicative platforms welcome and accelerate a socio-anthropological mutation in which public opinion (Habermas, 1995) based on rational individuals and alphabetic culture gives way to a public emotion whose emotion, empathy and sociality are the bases, where it is no longer the reason that directs the senses but the senses that begin to think. The public spheres that are elaborated in this way can only be disjunctive (Appadurai, 2001), since they are motivated by the desire to transgress the identity, political and social boundaries where they have been elevated and restricted. The more the daily life, in its local intension and its global extension, rests on itself and frees itself from projections or infatuations towards transcendent and distant orders, the more the modern territory is shaken by the forces that cross it and pierce it. non-stop. The widespread disobedience characterizing a significant part of the cultural events that take place in cyberspace - dark web, web porn, copyright infringement, trolls, even irreverent ... - reveals the anomic nature of the societal subjectivity that emerges from the point of intersection between technology and naked life. Behind each of these offenses is the affirmation of the obsolescence of the principles on which much of the modern nation-states and their rights have been based. Each situation in which a tribe, cloud, group or network blends in a state of ecstasy or communion around shared communications, symbols and imaginations, all that surrounds it, in material, social or ideological terms, fades away. in the air, being isolated by the power of a bubble that in itself generates culture, rooting, identification: transpolitic to inhabit


2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Ormston ◽  
John Curtice ◽  
Stephen Hinchliffe ◽  
Anna Marcinkiewicz

Discussion of sectarianism often focuses on evidence purporting to show discriminatory behaviour directed at Catholics or Protestants in Scotland. But attitudes also matter – in sustaining (or preventing) such discriminatory behaviours, and in understanding the nature of the ‘problem of sectarianism’ from the perspective of the Scottish public. This paper uses data from the Scottish Social Attitudes survey 2014. The survey fills a gap in the evidence base by providing robust evidence on what the public actually thinks about sectarianism in modern Scotland. It assesses public beliefs about the extent and nature of sectarianism and its perceived causes. Tensions in public opinion and differences in the attitudes of different sections of Scottish society are explored.


Resonance ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-327
Author(s):  
Shuhei Hosokawa

Drawing on Karin Bijsterveld’s triple definition of noise as ownership, political responsibility, and causal responsibility, this article traces how modern Japan problematized noise, and how noise represented both the aspirational discourse of Western civilization and the experiential nuisance accompanying rapid changes in living conditions in 1920s Japan. Primarily based on newspaper archives, the analysis will approach the problematic of noise as it was manifested in different ways in the public and private realms. In the public realm, the mid-1920s marked a turning point due to the reconstruction work after the Great Kantô Earthquake (1923) and the spread of the use of radios, phonographs, and loudspeakers. Within a few years, public opinion against noise had been formed by a coalition of journalists, police, the judiciary, engineers, academics, and municipal officials. This section will also address the legal regulation of noise and its failure; because public opinion was “owned” by middle-class (sub)urbanites, factory noises in downtown areas were hardly included in noise abatement discourse. Around 1930, the sounds of radios became a social problem, but the police and the courts hesitated to intervene in a “private” conflict, partly because they valued radio as a tool for encouraging nationalist mobilization and transmitting announcements from above. In sum, this article investigates the diverse contexts in which noise was perceived and interpreted as such, as noise became an integral part of modern life in early 20th-century Japan.


Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart III

From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.


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