The Struggle for Recognition: Adat Law Trajectories under Indonesian Politics of Legal Unification

Author(s):  
Syahriza Alkohir Anggoro ◽  
Tunggul Anshari Setia Negara

Abstract This article examines the trajectories of adat law in Indonesia by looking at the extent to which legal pluralism has been constitutionalized. This article argues that the formation of the 1945 Constitution, which was driven by the political motivation of legal unification, did not produce inclusive constitutional provisions recognizing the jurisdiction of adat law and enabled practice of legal centralism during authoritarian regimes of Soekarno (1959–1966) and Soeharto (1967–1998). Although post-New Order democratization and decentralization offered political opportunities for indigenous peoples’ movements to promote legal pluralism and reconcile their marginalized traditional rights, Indonesia has made little progress as the conditional recognition approach adopted through constitutional amendments poses significant obstacles for legitimizing adat law norms as part of the plurilegal order. This article offers historical interpretation to the status, position and legal consequences of adat law in Indonesian legal system from its independence until the beginning of reformasi era.

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Fais Yonas Bo’a

Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum sudah mendapatkan legitimasi secara yuridis melalui TAP MPR Nomor XX/MPRS/1966 tentang Memorandum DPR-GR Mengenai Sumber Tertib Hukum Republik Indonesia dan Tata Urutan Peraturan Perundang Republik Indonesia. Setelah reformasi, keberadaan Pancasila tersebut kembali dikukuhkan dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2004 yang kemudian diganti dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Peraturan Perundang-Undangan. Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum memberi makna bahwa sistem hukum nasional wajib berlandaskan Pancasila. Akan tetapi, keberadaan Pancasila tersebut semakin tergerus dalam sistem hukum nasional. Hal demikian dilatarbelakangi oleh tiga alasan yaitu: pertama, adanya sikap resistensi terhadap Orde Baru yang memanfaatkan Pancasila demi kelanggengan kekuasaan yang bersifat otoriter. Kedua, menguatnya pluralisme hukum yang mengakibatkan terjadinya kontradiksi-kontradiksi atau disharmonisasi hukum. Ketiga, status Pancasila tersebut hanya dijadikan simbol dalam hukum. Untuk itu, perlu dilakukan upaya-upaya untuk menerapkan Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum dalam sistem hukum nasional yaitu: pertama, menjadikan Pancasila sebagai suatu aliran hukum agar tidak terjadi lagi disharmonisasi hukum akibat diterapkannya pluralisme hukum. Kedua, mendudukkan Pancasila sebagai puncak peraturan perundang-undangan agar Pancasila memiliki daya mengikat terhadap segala jenis peraturan perundang-undangan sehingga tidak melanggar asas lex superiori derogat legi inferiori.Pancasila as the source of all sources of law has obtained legitimacy legally through the Decree of the People’s Consultative Assembly Number XX / MPRS / 1966 on the Memorandum of the House of Representatives-Gotong Royong Regarding the Sources of Law and the Order of the Republic of Indonesia. After the reformation, the existence of Pancasila was re-confirmed in Law Number 10 Year 2004 which was subsequently replaced by Law Number 12 Year 2011 on Legislation Regulation. Pancasila as the source of all sources of law gives meaning that the national legal system must be based on Pancasila. However, now the existence of Pancasila is increasingly eroded in the national legal system. This is motivated by three reasons: first, the existence of resistance to the New Order that utilizes Pancasila for the sake of perpetuity of authoritarian power. Second, the strengthening of legal pluralism that resulted in legal contradictions or disharmony. Third, the status of Pancasila is only used as a symbol in law. Therefore, efforts should be made to implement Pancasila as the source of all sources of law in the national legal system: first, make Pancasila as a flow of law in order to avoid legal disharmonization due to the application of legal pluralism. Secondly, Pretend Pancasila as the top of legislation so that Pancasila have binding power against all kinds of laws and regulations so that it does not violate the principle of lex superiori derogat legi inferiori.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 140
Author(s):  
Andy Omara

Abstract Using the Preamble of the Indonesian Constitution namely the 1945 Constitution as a case study, this paper aims to answer an important question i.e. what are the functions of the Preamble? It argues that the functions of the 1945 Constitutional Preamble vary from time to time. In the Old Order and the New Order governments, the Preamble enjoyed its highest status but it somehow lacked of legal binding. In recent years, particularly after the recent constitutional amendments, the status of the Preamble arguably shifted from lacked of legal binding to have legal binding status. This shift is primarily because of the recent constitutional amendments. Intisari Dengan menggunakan Pembukaan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 sebagai studi kasus, artikel ini bermaksud menjawab sebuah pertanyaan penting yaitu apa fungsi sebuah pembukaan? Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa fungsi dari Pembukaan UUD 1945 berbeda dari waktu ke waktu. Pada masa Orde Lama dan Orde Baru, Pembukaan mendapatkan tempat tertinggi. Namun pada saat yang sama ia tidak sepenuhnya mempunyai kekuatan mengikat secara hukum. Sejak perubahan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 pada tahun 1999-2002, status Pembukaan berubah dari yang sebelumnya tidak sepenuhnya mempunyai daya ikat menjadi mempunyai kekuatan mengikat secara hukum. Hal ini sebagai konsekuensi dari perubahan Undang-Undang Dasar.   


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96
Author(s):  
Siti Malikhatun Badriyah ◽  
R Suharto ◽  
Siti Mahmudah ◽  
Marjo Marjo

The function of the Indonesia Deposit Insurance Corporation (IDIC) is to guarantee a deposit of customers. The guarantee is significantly important for the main financial industries, such as a bank whose activity is to raise funds from the public and distribute the funds back to the public. As a consequence, public trust becomes the primary factor. In spite of the useful function of the IDIC, the public is still not familiar with the organization and they often question whether the status of the IDIC is a guarantee or insurance. This issue potentially creates a dispute between parties who are the bank and the customer. Hence, this research aims to discover evidence relating to the IDIC as the guarantor in the agreement between bank and customer. This research used a legal pluralism method that integrates juridical research, sociological research (living law) and philosophical research. The result of the research indicates the uncertainty of the status of the IDIC, whether it is a guarantee or insurance, whereas both statuses maintain different legal consequences. The uncertainty may lead to legal uncertainty and result in the disruption of the balance of both parties’ legal relationships.


2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.


Author(s):  
Nimer Sultany

This chapter argues that revolution is not separate from the very discourse and arrangements it responds to. Rather, it is subsumed in a legitimation discourse, and it is engulfed by similar tensions. Although revolution may erupt because of a perceived legitimacy deficit, it does not solve the conceptual deficiency of legitimacy. This is because revolution vacillates between an event that inaugurated it and a process that seeks to complete it. This duality makes revolution a contradictory concept that includes its own negation because different protagonists deploy it in contradictory ways. The very qualities that enable the designation of the Arab Spring as a revolution enable the counter-revolution. In other words, revolution does not provide a stable, unambiguous framework within which the new political order can be established. Consequently, the revolution’s attempt to delegitimate the status quo and legitimate the new order re-enacts the incoherence and instability of other legitimation devices.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Prior

This paper reviews the status, position and legacy of Bourdieu in the sociology of music, the waxing and waning of his influence and the recent move away from Bourdieu towards something like a post-critical engagement with musical forms and practices. The idea is to show the reaction to and treatment of Bourdieu’s ideas as a gauge of where we are in the sociology of culture, the various strands of influence that emanate from his work, and to assess what is at stake in a ‘post-Bourdieu’ moment when a position once considered progressive and critical now acts as the foil against which new work is being conducted. The article engages with some recent contributions to the music/society debate from figures in the UK and France, and points to the ways these contributions move debates on musico-social relations into territories more sensitive to the complex mediating qualities of music. Such work is better placed, it is argued, to represent music as an animating force in everyday life, including its specific mediating qualities ‘in action’. At the same time, however, the construction of a new sociology of music is not without its perils. The article will conclude with some potential problems with these approaches, and take stock of what might be lost as well as gained by adherence to them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-285
Author(s):  
Jaclyn L. Neo

Abstract The administration or recognition of religious courts is a form of religious accommodation present in many constitutional states today commonly analysed in legal pluralism terms. This article contributes to the further analysis of the relationship between legal pluralism and rights in religiously diverse societies by examining the status of state religious courts and their interaction with state non-religious (secular) courts. In particular, I examine what Cover calls “jurisdictional redundancies” between the courts and conceptualize the allocation of power between religious and non-religious courts as a potentially productive site of interlegality. In doing so, I support concurrent jurisdictional allocations, arguing that exclusive jurisdiction could result in what I call an interlegal gap, whereby instead of inter-penetration of norms and production of reconciliatory principles, there is a justice gap whereby litigants may find themselves unable to obtain appropriate legal recourse including when neither court is willing to assume jurisdiction over the matter. This requires us to see the relationship between religious courts and non-religious courts through the more mundane but more practical lens of jurisdictional overlaps and competition, rather than through the more abstract framing of normative or even civilizational clashes. Accordingly, I argue that concurrent jurisdiction and interlegality have greater potential to strike a balance between individual and group rights and could be more protective of religious diversity. In other words, I argue for a closer, rather than a more separate, relationship between religious and non-religious courts, while denying that a hierarchical relationship where religious courts are subordinated to non-religious courts is the only way to protect rights.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clare Saunders

Political opportunity structures are often used to explain differences in the characteristics of movements in different countries on the basis of the national polity in which they exist. However, the approach has a number of weaknesses that are outlined in this article. The article especially stresses the fact that such broad-brush approaches to political opportunity structures fail to account for the different characteristics of movement organisations within the same polity. The article therefore recommends using a more fine-tuned approach to political opportunities, taking into account that the strategies and status of organisations affect the real political opportunities they face. This fine-tuned approach is used to predict how the status and strategy of environmental organisations might influence the extent to which different types of environmental organisations in the UK network with one-another. We find that organisations that face an open polity - those with a moderate action repertoire and a constructive relationship with government institutions - tend not to cooperate with those with a radical action repertoire and negative relations with government institutions. On the other hand, those that vary their action repertoires, and which have variable status according to the issues involved or campaign targets, have a much broader range of network links with other types of organisations. Thus, there is much more diversity in types of environmental organisation in the UK than the broad-brush to political opportunity structures would account for. Nonetheless, it does seem that environmental organisations are aware of how their own behaviours might influence (non-structural) political opportunities, and that they mould their strategies and networking patterns around this awareness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-55
Author(s):  
Irman Widi Kurniawan ◽  
Etty Mulyati ◽  
Betty Rubiati

ABSTRAKDi dalam bagian kedua UUPA mengatur tentang pelaksanaan konversi hak atas tanah menjadi wujud kepastian hukum sebagaimana ketentuan Pasal 33 ayat (3) UUD 1945. Namun kepastian hukum terhadap konversi Hak atas tanah barat terutama sertifikat Hak Eigendom Verponding masih menjadi problematika tersendiri bagi masyarakat yang memiliki bukti kepemilikan hak atas tanah barat tersebut apabila dijadikan sebuah jaminan guna memperoleh fasilitas kredit. Metode penelitian yang digunakan ialah yuridis normatif dengan kajian bahan hukum primer, sekunder serta tersier. Berdasarkan pembahasan tersebut bahwa Kepastian Hukum terkait konversi hak Eigendom Verponding telah memiliki kekuatan hukum mengikat dengan ketentuan diperlukan konversi sehingga dapat dijadikan objek jaminan namun dalam prakteknya masih terdapat objek jaminan dengan tidak memperhatikan asal mula objek jaminan tersebut serta akibat hukum terhadap konversi hak atas tanah tersebut adalah pemberlakuan UUPA menjadi dasar bahwasanya prinsip status quo hak atas tanah terdahulu memberikan jaminan kepastian hukum dengan ketentuan hak-hak lama menjadi tidak diakui keberadaannya. Kata Kunci: hak atas tanah; hak barat; kepastian hukum jaminan; konversi ABSTRACTIn the second section of the UUPA regulates the conversion of land rights into a form of legal certainty as stipulated in Article 33 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. But the legal certainty of the conversion of the Right to western land, especially the Eigendom Verponding Rights certificate, remains a problem for people who have proof of ownership of the western land if it is used as a guarantee to obtain credit facilities. The research method used is normative juridical with the study of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. Based on the discussion that legal certainty related to the conversion of rights Eigendom Verponding has had a binding legal force with the necessary provisions of conversion so that it can be used as an object of guarantee but in practice there is still an object of guarantee by not taking into account the origin of the object of the guarantee and the legal consequences of the conversion of the right to land is the enactment of the UUPA being the basis that the principle of the status quo of the former land rights provides a guarantee of legal certainty with the provisions of old rights to be unclaimed civility. Keywords: conversion; guarantee legal certainty; land rights; western rights


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amirul Mustofa

Political reform has occurred in Indonesia, namely when the regime transition of power from the old order to new order, and when the transition toward the new order has yet to reform the order form is of very local government councils. Local government councils according to the opinion of the writer has never showed good political performance, they simply just as political actors who seek personal gain or rent seeking, either the status quo as well as rent-seeking hunters.In connection with these conditions the local government councils is a form of democracy at local government level is very importance role in accommodating the aspirations of the community and promote development at the local level. Referring to this idea the authors approach the study of reform as the basic options that can be found those items essential for local government reform towards a quality council. Variables of important reforms that opinion writer are:  minimize the number of political parties; amendment to the constitution need to be rethinking;political education to be a prerequisite determination of local government councils; and scope of work development of local government council.Key words: local government councils, policy reform, political parties


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