The Russian Empire’s Changing Views of the Caucasus (1801–1864)

2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-162
Author(s):  
Mikail Mamedov

The Russian empire annexed Georgia and moved further into the Caucasus for reasons that were typical for the period; that is, the European idea of a civilizing mission. Later, toward the mid-1820s, Russia attempted to use the region as its colony. The Russian advance towards the borders of Iran and Turkey alarmed the British and aggravated Russia’s relations with the European powers. Meanwhile, Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War gave rise to the idea of the Caucasus as a bulwark against a hostile Europe. None of the previous ideas disappeared completely: they co-existed during almost all of the nineteenth century. Thus, the image of the Caucasus in the Russian imperial consciousness was dynamic and flexible, reflecting Russia’s changing history, the political situation in the empire, and threats to the country from outside.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1140-1173
Author(s):  
Arsen M. Kambiev

The article examines the little-studied and complex issue of relations between the new Caucasian state entities during the collapse of the Russian Empire and the following Civil War. The Revolution of 1917 led to the appearance on the political map of the Caucasus and Transcaucasia of a number of new state entities that fought for the recognition of their sovereignty. However, the political and military chaos in the region hindered both the internal process of consolidation of the self-proclaimed states, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic of the North Caucasus in particular, and their entry into the international community. The civil war in Russia and the confrontation between the Red and the White forces instigated even more contradictions. Transcaucasian countries, primarily Azerbaijan and Georgia, support both the insurrectionary movement in the Terek-Dagestan region and the leaders of the overthrown Mountainous Republic who stayed in their territory. However, any attempts to create stable allied military, political and economic relations, undertaken by the leaders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic, were not successful.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-180
Author(s):  
Hubertus F. Jahn

This article explores representations of the Russian empire in the Caucasus in the nineteenth century. It focuses on the monument of Viceroy Mikhail Vorontsov, which was unveiled in Tiflis in 1867. Questions of imperial aesthetics, symbolic meaning, urban space, and mental maps among the Russian elites are discussed, as are contemporary interpretations of Russo-Georgian relations. It will be shown that the Russian empire did not have a master plan for the representation and the popularization of imperial power in its borderlands and that much was left to local and private initiative.


2021 ◽  
pp. 413-426
Author(s):  
K, A. Pavlov ◽  
O. B. Klochkov

The process of formation and development of the protection of the state border in the Caucasus at the end of the 19th century (using the example of the Karsk border brigade) is analyzed in the article. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in historical research insufficient attention is paid to the protection of the state border in the Caucasus by border guard units at the end of the 19th century. It is shown that under the conditions of the introduction of protective customs duties, as a result of which smuggling activities began to develop actively, without specialized units, the Russian Empire was unable to protect its economic interests in the border space in the Caucasus. It is noted that the development of the state border guard system was carried out in a tense, unstable military-political situation, accompanied by constant armed clashes with bandit formations. It is indicated that in these conditions, the protection of the state border was carried out by the border guards together with military units, which in turn negatively affected the quality of the protection of the economic interests of the Russian Empire in the region. It is concluded that the development of the system for protecting the state border in the Caucasus was a consequence of the existing threats to national security in the region.


Author(s):  
Любовь Тимофеевна Соловьева

В статье на основе материалов первой половины ХIХ в. из Центрального исторического архива Грузии (ЦИАГ) рассматривается отношение российских православных чиновников к тем религиозным традициям, которые были характерны для грузин-горцев Восточной Грузии (хевсуры, пшавы, тушины). Грузия была одной из первых стран, где христианство стало государственной религией. Но к началу ХIХ в. роль православной церкви в некоторых труднодоступных горных регионах Грузии была значительно ослаблена. Грузины-горцы осознавали себя христианами, но бытование христианства здесь нередко принимало своеобразные формы. Здесь сохранялся синкретизм религиозных воззрений, а в определенной мере происходил возврат к архаичным дохристианским верованиям. После вхождения Грузии в состав Российской империи власти стали уделять значительное внимание укреплению православного христианства у грузин-горцев, строительству здесь церквей и назначению священнослужителей в эти отдаленные районы. Миссионерская проповедь должна была укрепить православие на Кавказе и способствовать более полной интеграции местного населения в пространство Российской империи. Based on the materials of the Central Historical Archive of Georgia of the first half of the nineteenth century, the article examines the attitude of Russian Orthodox officials to the religious traditions that were characteristic of the Georgian mountaineers of Eastern Georgia (Khevsurians, Pshavs, Tushins). Georgia was one of the first countries where Christianity became the state religion. But by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the role of the Orthodox Church in some remote mountainous regions of Georgia was significantly weakened. The Georgians-Highlanders recognized themselves as Christians, but the forms of Christianity’s existence often took a very peculiar form here. Here the syncretism of religious views was preserved, and to a certain extent there was a return to archaic pre-Christian beliefs. After Georgia became part of the Russian Empire, the authorities began to pay considerable attention to strengthening Orthodox Christianity among mountain Georgians, building churches here and appointing priests to these remote areas. The missionary sermon was supposed to strengthen Orthodoxy in the Caucasus and promote a more complete integration of the local population into the space of the Russian Empire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (11-2) ◽  
pp. 4-28
Author(s):  
Sergey Kulikov

For the first time in historiography, the article examines the nature of the political views and political ritual of Nicholas II and the correlation of these factors, which had a decisive influence on the internal political situation of the Russian Empire in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. The author comes to the conclusion that in modernizing societies, political rituals do not so much reveal, but hide the true political views of the modernizing ruler.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willis Brooks

“The history of Russia is the history of a nation that colonized itself.”Russia's greatest historian has affirmed that the expansion of Russian rule, particularly its method, is of fundamental significance in understanding the course of Russian history, and the establishment of Russian power in the Caucasus has attracted as much scholarly attention as any other region where Russian imperialism spread in the last two centuries. Russia's finest literary figures, scholars of the most divergent bent, Russian participants in the conquest and, of course, native inhabitants themselves have examined geographic, political, military and economic, as well as cultural and other factors that would explain how the many non-Slavic peoples of this strategically critical region were incorporated into the tsarist empire. From such a literature a lengthy list of quite diverse tactics are testimony to the deep concern Russian leaders had about integrating its divergent societies in the Caucasus into the Russian empire. The tsarist ideal was stated in the simplest language when Nicholas I endorsed a report in 1833 that would force the native inhabitants of the Caucasus to “speak, think, and feel Russian.” Not surprisingly, one of the striking qualities of the tsarist, Soviet and, to a great degree, Western literature is that it often focuses, as does this essay, on the frustrations Great Russians experienced while attempting to conquer, pacify and assimilate the multi-ethnic peoples of the Caucasus within the Russian-dominated empire. In addition, while charting the demographic vagaries of the Caucasus most scholars have concentrated on the creeping in-migrations of Cossacks and others from the internal Russian provinces and on the relocation of mountain tribesmen (gortsy) from their inaccessible villages (auly) to valley floors where watchful Russians could “civilize” them. What is strikingly absent from such literature, part of what this essay attempts to provide, is an examination of the policy considerations that led to such decisions, particularly in the post-Crimean War period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-68
Author(s):  
Przemysław Adamczewski

The issue of Polish epigraphy in the Caucasus is still very poorly understood and until now no one of the scientists has attempted to analyze this phenomenon. This is probably due to the very scant research material that can be relied on in the 21st century. Despite the passage of time, there are, however, sources that allow us to study Polish epigraphy in the Caucasus. It can be divided into four main groups: a) inscriptions on temples; b) epitaph; c) advertising epigraphs; d) graffiti, especially the kind called Style-Writing.Most of the Polish epigraphy in the Caucasus is associated with the presence of Poles in this area at a time when part of the lands of the Commonwealth was part of the Russian Empire. How many Poles ended up in the Caucasus and when is difficult to calculate, at least due to the lack of statistical data taking into account nationality. Presumably, although accurate calculations on this issue were not published, recruits from the territory of the former Rzeczpospolita to the Caucasus began to be expelled after 1773, i.e. after the I partition of Poland. The sending of exiles to serve in the Caucasus as a punishment took place, in turn, during the war, as, for example, after Napoleon's campaign in Moscow. Ludwik Wiedershal gave information that in 1812, apparently (it should be emphasized that the author used a conditional mood) 10 thousand Poles were sent to the Caucasus, although in 1815 almost all of them returned to the country. Other Polish groups exiled to the Caucasus included participants in uprisings for independence, as well as those who were repressed for participating in various organizations that, in the opinion of the tsarist government, posed a threat to the then existing system, for example, filarets, persons associated with the so-called Konarski case, and others.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


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