scholarly journals Contemporary China and the “Harmonious” World Order in the Age of Globalization

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Orazio Coco
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Transition Theory ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Harmonious World ◽  
Rising Power ◽  
Hegemonic Transition

Abstract This paper examines the Chinese political vision of the world order and how the West has, so far, reacted to the presence of a new rising power in the global system. It takes inspiration from the current complex international scenario of confrontation between China and the West. The concept of socialist “harmonious” world order is not a political creative idea, but the long-term vision proposed by China since the beginning of this century. It has become topic of political interest, attracting the attention of the Western world, only in the last decade and in connection with the theoretical debate inspired by the power transition theory. The idea of a hegemonic transition and the making of a new international order, as alternative to the liberal democratic model, is gaining consistency with the economic development and the growing political influence of China, but also as consequence of the retreat of democracy worldwide.

scholarly journals The Russian Federation and Reshaping a Post-Cold War Order

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bryc
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Crimean Peninsula ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
International Standing ◽  
Munich Security Conference

Russia attempts to revise a Western-led liberal world order. However, challenging the West seems to be a strategy aimed at improving Russia’s international standing. This strategy is undoubtedly ambiguous as Russia challenges the West, particularity the United States, and looks for a rapprochement at the same time.The Russian Federation abandoned the West in 2014 as a result of the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula what constituted breaking international law, andengagement into the war in the East Ukraine. Nevertheless, the milestone was not 2014, but 2008 when Russia had decided for the first time to use its militar yforce against Georgia and indirectly against the growing Western military and political presence in this post-Soviet republic. This game changer was hardly a surprise, because several signals of a desire to challenge the Western-led world order had appeared in the past at least twice in president Putin’s speeches in 2007 at Munich Security Conference and in 2014 during Valdai Club session in Sochi. This article seeks to provide a take in the discussion about the way Russia has been trying to reshape the post-Cold War order. This paper probes the notion that Russia has become a revisionist state trying to shape a post-Western world order. Besides, there are a few questions to be answered, first of all whether anti-Westernism is in fact its goal or rather an instrument in regaining more effective impact on international politics and how it may influence the post-ColdWar order despite its reduced political and economic potential.

Competing myths of Czech identity

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-204
Author(s):  
Radek Chlup
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Critical Reflection ◽  
The West ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic Discourse ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article analyses the current antagonism between the Czech pro-Western liberal democratic discourse and the discourse of national sovereignty from the perspective of long-term conceptions of Czech national identity and the mythical narratives through which they have been expressed. I identify two basic mythical perspectives that have been crucial for the Czechs since the 19th century: the ‘particularist’ and the ‘universalist’. The latter originally only existed as a complement of the former, and it was not until 1968 that it was clearly expressed on its own (in its pro-Western version) in opposition to the particularist myth, eventually becoming the dominant narrative of the 1990s with their ethos of returning to the West. Once the post-revolutionary enthusiasm evaporated, however, the subsequent disillusion again came to be expressed through the particularist myth. While at present the universalist myth might seem as superior to the particularist one, from the perspective of theories of nationalism, both have their bright and dark sides, and it is only due to their present-day opposition that the particularist myth has taken the illiberal turn. A critical reflection of the limitations of both myths might allow us to soften their antagonism.

scholarly journals THE INFLUENCE OF WESTERN CULTURE ON THE FORMATION OF CARPATHIAN UKRAINE IN THE NOVEL «SUN FROM THE WEST» BY ULAS SAMCHUK

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Alexander Podvyshennyi
Keyword(s):  
Western Culture ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Imperialism ◽  
Western World ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
Independent State

The relevance of this article is due to the fact that in recent decades Ulas Samchuk is rapidly returning to the Ukrainian literary discourse. In view of the European integration policy of the Ukrainian State, more and more attention is paid to the methods of cultural imperialism, imagology, comparative studies, Occidental philosophy, etc., which we used in this text. In our study, considerable attention is also paid to the influence of Western culture and politics on the formation of the national idea of the Ukrainian nation – the formation of the Ukrainian Conciliar Independent State. We learned that a significant role in the development of the ethnopsychological charisma of the Hutsuls was played by Ukrainians from exile, who during the interwar period inhabited Czechoslovakia, Poland, France and the United States, and with the beginning of events began to return home. The novel-report «Sun from the West» (1949) provides invaluable material on the basis of which we can trace in a clear chronological sequence the change of worldview paradigm of Ukrainians from silent observers to active, fully conscious citizens who set the task of forming a political nation. its integration into the Western world. Nevertheless, Ulas Samchuk draws the reader's attention to the fact that the Ukrainian people have not yet been able to become a nation, given the events in Carpathian Ukraine. He lacked the will to fight, national dignity and self-awareness, education, spirituality and culture. That is why many European grandees did not seriously assess the ambitions of the young Ukrainian state to claim independence and did not allow the Ukrainian Government to defend its positions on an equal footing. The main reason for such a political crisis was, in fact, the lack of a well-supplied army that could protect its borders. Further research should be devoted to the memoirs and diaries of Ulas Samchuk, in which he continues to reflect on the place and role of Ukraine in building a new world order in the context of the conflict of Western and Eastern civilizations.

Does Democracy “Travel”? Some Thoughts on Democracy and Its Cultural Context

1992 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 41-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Turner Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Fundamental Question ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Form Of Government

The fundamental question is whether the non-Western world is capable of developing our form of liberal democratic self-government, despite our differences in tradition and culture. The author taps on several critical differences of interpretation of what we consider to be integral to our form of government, such as John Locke's concept of “civil society”; the idea of “pluralism”; and the concept of “inherent human rights” counsel, which have distinctly different meanings in the West compared to those of Central and Eastern Europe. Interestingly, the differences are indicative of the profound cultural and historic differences of the societies engaged in the interpretation and adaption of these ideas. The author is optimistic in the regard of democracy “traveling,” provided that individuals recognize their own identity within the democratic society and acquire practice in exercising their freedoms. In this way, not only will democracy flourish under previously dictatorial regimes, but will continue to persist where it is already established.

scholarly journals The Attacks of September 11 in Three Temporalities

2003 ◽  
pp. 141-169
Author(s):  
Steven Sherman
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Unintended Consequences ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
The Us ◽  
History Of ◽  
Us Hegemony ◽  
Rational Organization

The attacks of September 11 are explored from the perspective of three temporalities—that of US hegemony (roughly the last 50 years), that of the history of modernity (roughly the last three hundred and ?fty years) and that of the ‘clash’ between Western and non–Western civilizations (roughly the last one thousand years). The attacks are symptomatic of the emergence of regional, networked actors that the US is not well prepared to address and which disrupt the national–developmental world order organized under US hegemony. By demonstrating one of the unintended consequences of modernity—the democratization of means of destruction—the attacks mark another nail in the co?n of the idea that progress can be attained through technological breakthroughs and the rational organization of the world (which we call hegemonic rationalistic modernity). The attempt to galvanize the Islamic community through an assault on its perceived rivals parallels the strategy of the Christian crusades 1000 years ago. The attacks mark a moment in the declining ability of the West to control the non–Western world. In conclusion, world order is likely to be reconstructed only if there is a move beyond US hegemony, rationalistic modernity, and the presumption of Western supremacy that characterize the contemporary world.

scholarly journals Leo Strauss and His Neoconservative Disciples (on the Problem of the Sources and Genesis of Neoconservatism)

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 729-744
Author(s):  
Konstantin V. Blokhin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Leo Strauss ◽  
The West ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Basic Ideas

The article discusses the problem of Leo Strauss’ influence on the political culture of the United States and analyzes the current historiographic situation pertaining to the problem. The authors demonstrate that both in the USA and in modern Russia the question of the degree and nature of L. Strauss’s influence on the neocons remains open. Meanwhile, it is obvious that Strauss had a significant impact on the formation of neoconservative ideology, which is manifested in the similarity of the basic ideas of the philosopher and his disciples. The formation of the philosopher’s views took place during the crisis of the Weimar Republic and the Nazis’ rise to power in Germany, which postulated Strauss’ idea about the need for strong democracy and its ability to defend itself against tyranny. The concept of strong democracy that can withstand totalitarianism and authoritarianism is one of the key ideas of neo-conservatism. The similarity of Strauss’ philosophical views to those of the neoconservatives is seen in criticism of the liberal world order and moral foundations of the West, which gave rise to relativism and nihilism. The conformity of neoconservative worldview, including and its variants, such as straussianism, to the ideas of Strauss is manifested in advocating the interests of Israel, which the founders of neo-conservatism view as an outpost of the Western world.

TRANSFORMATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND PROBLEMS OF DISARMAMENT IN THE ERA OF GLOBALIZATION

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Слинько ◽  
Aleksandr Slinko ◽  
Орешева ◽  
Diana Oresheva
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Equal Footing ◽  
Group Of Seven ◽  
The World ◽  
Theoretical Foundations ◽  
Intergovernmental Negotiations

The authors analyze various theoretical concepts on which they substantiate the following: the more hegemonic and unilateral the world order became, the more inhibited interstate dialogue on disarmament was, more and more coming into the crisis. This is also the format of intergovernmental negotiations in general, in particular long-term non-participation of Russia in the "group of seven". Revision of the theoretical foundations is accompanied by a change in emphasis in the dialogue on disarmament, its reactivation and the continuation of more equal footing. According to Galtung, that is the way to express the so-called pluralistic unipolarity, marking the transition from unilateralism to leadership. The constructive position of Russia - search for constructive forms of partnership with the West and the rapprochement with China.

scholarly journals NATO, liberal internationalism, and the politics of imagining the Western security community

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Gheciu
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Security Community ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Middle Powers

International Relations scholars often assume that NATO represents the institutional expression of a pre-existing, liberal-democratic Western security community. However, far from simply representing a pre-given community, NATO has always been involved in power-filled processes of constructing “the West.” At the heart of those processes lie practices of collective (re)imagining of the Western world, as well as the representation of internal tensions as feuds within a community united by liberal values. Today, the task of managing internal differences has become particularly complicated due to the rise of radical conservative political forces in several allied states. This has translated into an unprecedented clash between liberal and illiberal interpretations of the Western community. This paper also shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, middle powers have played important roles both in the construction of the liberal Western security community, and, more recently, in articulating an alternative—radical conservative—vision of the West.

Demographic gaps between Syrian and the European populations: What do they suggest?

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustafa Murat Yucesahin ◽  
Ibrahim Sirkeci
Keyword(s):  
Transition Theory ◽  
World Population ◽  
Demographic Analysis ◽  
Demographic Differences ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Syrian Population ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
Near Future

Syrian crisis resulted in at least 6.1 million externally displaced people 983,876 of whom are in Europe while the rest are in neighbouring countries in the region. Turkey, due to its geographical proximity and substantial land borders with the country, has been the most popular destination for those fleeing Syria since April 2011. Especially after 2012, a sharp increase in the number of Syrian refugees arriving in Turkey was witnessed. This has triggered an exponential growth in academic and public interest in Syrian population. Numerous reports mostly based on non-representative sample surveys have been disseminated whilst authoritative robust analyses remained absent. This study aims to fill this gap by offering a comprehensive demographic analysis of the Syrian population. We focus on the demographic differences (from 1950s to 2015) and demographic trends (from 2015 to 2100) in medium to long term, based on data from World Population Prospects (WPP). We offer a comparative picture to underline potential changes and convergences between populations in Syria, Turkey, Germany, and the United Kingdom. We frame our discussion here with reference to the demographic transition theory to help understanding the implications for movers and non-movers in receiving countries in the near future.

Mafias on the Move

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Varese
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Organized Crime ◽  
The United States ◽  
The West ◽  
Market Expansion ◽  
The North ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
At Will

Organized crime is spreading like a global virus as mobs take advantage of open borders to establish local franchises at will. That at least is the fear, inspired by stories of Russian mobsters in New York, Chinese triads in London, and Italian mafias throughout the West. As this book explains, the truth is more complicated. The author has spent years researching mafia groups in Italy, Russia, the United States, and China, and argues that mafiosi often find themselves abroad against their will, rather than through a strategic plan to colonize new territories. Once there, they do not always succeed in establishing themselves. The book spells out the conditions that lead to their long-term success, namely sudden market expansion that is neither exploited by local rivals nor blocked by authorities. Ultimately the inability of the state to govern economic transformations gives mafias their opportunity. In a series of matched comparisons, the book charts the attempts of the Calabrese 'Ndrangheta to move to the north of Italy, and shows how the Sicilian mafia expanded to early twentieth-century New York, but failed around the same time to find a niche in Argentina. The book explains why the Russian mafia failed to penetrate Rome but succeeded in Hungary. A pioneering chapter on China examines the challenges that triads from Taiwan and Hong Kong find in branching out to the mainland. This book is both a compelling read and a sober assessment of the risks posed by globalization and immigration for the spread of mafias.

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