scholarly journals THE INFLUENCE OF WESTERN CULTURE ON THE FORMATION OF CARPATHIAN UKRAINE IN THE NOVEL «SUN FROM THE WEST» BY ULAS SAMCHUK

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Alexander Podvyshennyi
Keyword(s):  
Western Culture ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Imperialism ◽  
Western World ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
Independent State

The relevance of this article is due to the fact that in recent decades Ulas Samchuk is rapidly returning to the Ukrainian literary discourse. In view of the European integration policy of the Ukrainian State, more and more attention is paid to the methods of cultural imperialism, imagology, comparative studies, Occidental philosophy, etc., which we used in this text. In our study, considerable attention is also paid to the influence of Western culture and politics on the formation of the national idea of the Ukrainian nation – the formation of the Ukrainian Conciliar Independent State. We learned that a significant role in the development of the ethnopsychological charisma of the Hutsuls was played by Ukrainians from exile, who during the interwar period inhabited Czechoslovakia, Poland, France and the United States, and with the beginning of events began to return home. The novel-report «Sun from the West» (1949) provides invaluable material on the basis of which we can trace in a clear chronological sequence the change of worldview paradigm of Ukrainians from silent observers to active, fully conscious citizens who set the task of forming a political nation. its integration into the Western world. Nevertheless, Ulas Samchuk draws the reader's attention to the fact that the Ukrainian people have not yet been able to become a nation, given the events in Carpathian Ukraine. He lacked the will to fight, national dignity and self-awareness, education, spirituality and culture. That is why many European grandees did not seriously assess the ambitions of the young Ukrainian state to claim independence and did not allow the Ukrainian Government to defend its positions on an equal footing. The main reason for such a political crisis was, in fact, the lack of a well-supplied army that could protect its borders. Further research should be devoted to the memoirs and diaries of Ulas Samchuk, in which he continues to reflect on the place and role of Ukraine in building a new world order in the context of the conflict of Western and Eastern civilizations.

scholarly journals The Russian Federation and Reshaping a Post-Cold War Order

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bryc
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Crimean Peninsula ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
International Standing ◽  
Munich Security Conference

Russia attempts to revise a Western-led liberal world order. However, challenging the West seems to be a strategy aimed at improving Russia’s international standing. This strategy is undoubtedly ambiguous as Russia challenges the West, particularity the United States, and looks for a rapprochement at the same time.The Russian Federation abandoned the West in 2014 as a result of the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula what constituted breaking international law, andengagement into the war in the East Ukraine. Nevertheless, the milestone was not 2014, but 2008 when Russia had decided for the first time to use its militar yforce against Georgia and indirectly against the growing Western military and political presence in this post-Soviet republic. This game changer was hardly a surprise, because several signals of a desire to challenge the Western-led world order had appeared in the past at least twice in president Putin’s speeches in 2007 at Munich Security Conference and in 2014 during Valdai Club session in Sochi. This article seeks to provide a take in the discussion about the way Russia has been trying to reshape the post-Cold War order. This paper probes the notion that Russia has become a revisionist state trying to shape a post-Western world order. Besides, there are a few questions to be answered, first of all whether anti-Westernism is in fact its goal or rather an instrument in regaining more effective impact on international politics and how it may influence the post-ColdWar order despite its reduced political and economic potential.

scholarly journals “Unipolar Asia”: Chinese Regional Order

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-32
Author(s):  
A. Vinogradov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Order ◽  
Western World ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
Russian Science ◽  
The World ◽  
Regional Order

In recent years, the PRC was considered to be the main revisionist power in the world, challenging the leadership of the United States. The rivalry between the two countries in various fields was the subject of close attention of both politicians and scientists. Depending on how this rivalry would end, forecasts were made about the future of the system of international relations. Today it has become obvious that an equally serious challenge to the existing international order is posed by the economic and political crisis of the Western world, which cannot be overcome in the foreseeable future. The question of what kind of international order can replace the current one is gradually moving from a theoretical level to a practical one. As a rule, it is pointed out the multipolar nature of the coming world political order, but how this fundamentally new structure will function in practice remains unclear. The article emphasizes the following questions: What are the characteristics of the Chinese version of the multipolarity, does it have historical analogs, what are traditional Chinese ideas about the world structure and China’s interaction with neighbors, it also argues how useful they can be in contemporary world, in the formation of a new world and regional order. The focus is on China’s relations with neighboring powers, with developing countries and great powers, primarily the United States, as well as the problem of combining world-building functions and international order, which is embodied in Xi Jinping’s concept “Community of common destiny of mankind” and particularly in the Belt and Road Initiative. As a result of its practical implementation, for the first time in world history, two traditions can claim to regulate global relations – Western and Eastern, reflecting different ideas about the world order and organization of international community and having their own ideas about justice. Acknowledgements. The research was supported by a grant from the Russian science Foundation (project no. 19-18-00142).

scholarly journals Leo Strauss and His Neoconservative Disciples (on the Problem of the Sources and Genesis of Neoconservatism)

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 729-744
Author(s):  
Konstantin V. Blokhin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Leo Strauss ◽  
The West ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Basic Ideas

The article discusses the problem of Leo Strauss’ influence on the political culture of the United States and analyzes the current historiographic situation pertaining to the problem. The authors demonstrate that both in the USA and in modern Russia the question of the degree and nature of L. Strauss’s influence on the neocons remains open. Meanwhile, it is obvious that Strauss had a significant impact on the formation of neoconservative ideology, which is manifested in the similarity of the basic ideas of the philosopher and his disciples. The formation of the philosopher’s views took place during the crisis of the Weimar Republic and the Nazis’ rise to power in Germany, which postulated Strauss’ idea about the need for strong democracy and its ability to defend itself against tyranny. The concept of strong democracy that can withstand totalitarianism and authoritarianism is one of the key ideas of neo-conservatism. The similarity of Strauss’ philosophical views to those of the neoconservatives is seen in criticism of the liberal world order and moral foundations of the West, which gave rise to relativism and nihilism. The conformity of neoconservative worldview, including and its variants, such as straussianism, to the ideas of Strauss is manifested in advocating the interests of Israel, which the founders of neo-conservatism view as an outpost of the Western world.

The Oxford History of the Novel in English

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
English Language ◽  
Book History ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Novel ◽  
History Of The Novel ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of

Volume Nine of this series traces the development of the ‘world novel’, that is, English-language novels written throughout the world, beyond Britain, Ireland, and the United States. Focusing on the period up to 1950, the volume contains survey chapters and chapters on major writers, as well as chapters on book history, publishing, and the critical contexts of the work discussed. The text covers periods from renaissance literary imaginings of exotic parts of the world like Oceania, through fiction embodying the ideology and conventions of empire, to the emergence of settler nationalist and Indigenous movements and, finally, the assimilations of modernism at the beginnings of the post-imperial world order. The book, then, contains chapters on the development of the non-metropolitan novel throughout the British world from the eighteenth to the mid twentieth centuries. This is the period of empire and resistance to empire, of settler confidence giving way to doubt, and of the rise of indigenous and post-colonial nationalisms that would shape the world after World War II.

A New World Economic order formation

2021 ◽  
pp. 932-950
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vyacheslavovich Emelyanov
Keyword(s):  
Oil And Gas ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
World Economic Order ◽  
The Impact

Every few decades, the world order changes due to various geopolitical, economic and other circumstances. For example, as a result of globalization, the world order has undergone significant changes in the last forty years. Globalization has led to the destruction of the postwar world order, as well as to world leadership by the United States and the West. However, in recent decades, as a result of globalization, the U.S. and the West began to cede their leadership to developing countries, so there is now a change in the economic structure of relations in the world system. Today the center of economic growth is in the East, namely in Asia. There are no new superpowers in the world at the moment, but the unipolar world will cease to exist due to the weakening of the U. S. leadership, which will lead to a change in the world order. A new leader, which may replace the U. S., will not have as wide range of advantages as the USA has. Most likely, the essence of the new order will be to unite the largest countries and alliances into blocks, for example, the USA together with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the EU, etc. The article outlines forecasts of GDP growth rates as well as the global energy outlook; analyzes the LNG market as well as the impact of the pandemic on the global oil and gas market; and lists the characteristics of U. S. geopolitics.

Attaining Primacy

2018 ◽  
pp. 183-208
Author(s):  
William O. Walker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
Smithsonian Institution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Grand Strategy ◽  
The Novel ◽  
The Soviet Union

This chapter explores Richard Nixon’s and Henry Kissinger’s disdain for hegemony and search for primacy as they sought to refurbish America’s tarnished reputation. Through their pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union and China, their resort to the Nixon Doctrine (to exit as gracefully as possible from Indochina), and the meeting at the Smithsonian Institution in December 1971 to restore America’s global economic stature, they attempted to achieve U.S. primacy in world affairs. Their efforts to implement the novel grand strategy of strategic globalism fell short, as seen in the difficulty of extricating the United States from Vietnam, Nixon’s Watergate imbroglio, and the presence of competing visions of world order among allies, most notably in West Germany’s pursuit of Ostpolitik.

scholarly journals Has Akira Always Been a Cyberpunk Comic?

Arts ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin de la Iglesia
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Science Fiction ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
The Past ◽  
European Languages ◽  
Blade Runner ◽  
Genre Awareness

Between the late 1980s and early 1990s, interest in the cyberpunk genre peaked in the Western world, perhaps most evidently when Terminator 2: Judgment Day became the highest-grossing film of 1991. It has been argued that the translation of Katsuhiro Ōtomo’s manga Akira into several European languages at just that time (into English beginning in 1988, into French, Italian, and Spanish beginning in 1990, and into German beginning in 1991) was no coincidence. In hindsight, cyberpunk tropes are easily identified in Akira to the extent that it is nowadays widely regarded as a classic cyberpunk comic. But has this always been the case? When Akira was first published in America and Europe, did readers see it as part of a wave of cyberpunk fiction? Did they draw the connections to previous works of the cyberpunk genre across different media that today seem obvious? In this paper, magazine reviews of Akira in English and German from the time when it first came out in these languages will be analysed in order to gauge the past readers’ genre awareness. The attribution of the cyberpunk label to Akira competed with others such as the post-apocalyptic, or science fiction in general. Alternatively, Akira was sometimes regarded as an exceptional, novel work that transcended genre boundaries. In contrast, reviewers of the Akira anime adaptation, which was released at roughly the same time as the manga in the West (1989 in Germany and the United States), more readily drew comparisons to other cyberpunk films such as Blade Runner.

YURIY SHEVELOV ABOUT HIS UKRAINIAN CHOICE OF AND ABOUT THE ATTITUDE TO “STRANGERS” IN THE MEMOIRS “I, ME, AND MYSELF (AND AROUND)”.

2019 ◽  
pp. 176-185
Author(s):  
Nadiia Koloshuk
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Scientific World ◽  
The Face ◽  
Roman Jakobson ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Scientific Ideas

Reflections of the outstanding scholar-Slavicist Yuriy Shevelov about his paradoxical experience of ethnic- identification, on the background of this problem as a general human and fundamental one, have a lot of weight. The escape of a young Ukrainian scientist from occupied Kharkiv to the West was driven by conscious aspirations to self-fulfillment and freedom. The path from Ukraine to Europe, and later to America, saved him from war and physical destruction, which threatened not only him but also a significant part of his people. Thinking of this path as salvation, he soberly and quite tolerably showed the environment of the Ukrainian and foreign intellectuals. He was a close acquaintance with them in pre- war and occupied Kharkiv and Lviv, in the German DP camps for Ukrainian refugees, in the research centers of Western Europe, and later in the United States. Openness and sincerity, as well as the scale of experience and depiction, the depth and self-criticism of comprehension of his own experience, make the book of Yu. Shevelov particularly valuable in the Ukrainian culture of the twentieth century. Yu. Shevelov rightly considered the reason for a special hatred on the part of representatives of the “Russian world” (in particular, in the face of the Russian emigrant Roman Jakobson and Ukrainian traitor Ivan Bilodid) their desire to destroy in his person a representative of an independent Ukrainian culture, a qualified researcher of its history and language, capable of advancing and advocating scientific ideas, those contradicted their Russification desires, which formed in the minds of the representatives of the scientific community of the western world non-penetrating barriers to the penetration of the voice of the stateless Ukrainian ethnic group. He called a complete defeat the result of his confrontation with the “Russian world” in the western scientific world. However, based on the fact that his labor is now in demand, and those who want to affirm the “Russian world” in the West and in Ukraine were already diminished, we can assert: his efforts have not gone in vain. Identification is that complex of ideas, which is made up in human heads, and here the truth goes up over the lie.

scholarly journals China in Global Governance: Ideology, Theory, and Instrumentation

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-153
Author(s):  
Evgeny N. Grachikov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Distribution Of Power

Over the past few years, the global political landscape has changed dramatically. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy has broken the precarious balance between the centers of world politics established in the past two decades. The U.S. trade war with China and accusations of creating COVID-19 have added a significant imbalance to the distribution of power in global governance. The current political global space is characterized by a tough struggle between the main centers of power for spheres of influence in macro regions, global power and redistribution of world incomes. In fact, it is a struggle for competition in setting the principles, norms and models of the future world order. Most of the developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are distancing themselves from the West on many international issues, and advocating the creation of national concepts of world order (in “non-West,” “post-West,” “outside the West” formats), which would take into account the political and cultural traditions of their countries, and the specific experience of their interaction with neighboring states and the world as a whole. Thus, the competition in global governance between the United States and China is for a new global order, including influence on the vast Global South. This article offers an analysis of China’s strategy of global governance and Chinese academic discourse on this issue. The paper also examines China’s instrumentation for formatting its own structure of global governance and forms of strategic rivalry with the United States.

scholarly journals The Philippine-US Relations: Living or Leaving the Bandung Spirit?

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Anna Rhodora Solar ◽  
John Matthew Poblete
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Clear Understanding ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Colonial Master

The Philippines had its own share of colonial past. Just as other Asian and African countries which were under the Western colonizers, the Philippines partook of the momentous event that proposed an alternative to the world order dominated by superpowers—the Bandung Conference. The principles collectively known as Bandung Spirit were embraced by the Philippines and had a clear understanding of its symbolic significance. Yet such understanding of these principles was coupled with compromises on the Philippines relations with the United States. Over the decades, the Philippines had to do a balancing act between its being sovereign, independent state and its recognition of the relevance of its past colonial master—the US. Hence, this raises the question of whether the Philippines is living or leaving the Bandung Spirit. Specifically, this paper assesses whether the Philippines still upholds the same Bandung Spirit in its traditional form or has it given a contemporary understanding of it. The paper argues that the Philippine-US relations remain to be an evident display of US presence in Southeast Asia albeit redefined to blend with the Bandung Spirit.

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