scholarly journals Political Communication of Power and Opposition in Bulgaria: A Modern Projection

Author(s):  
Vira Burdjak

Political communication between the authorities and the opposition within the multi-party system of the modern Republic of Bulgaria, in terms of social and functional values, supports the mobilization of intellectual potential, social energy and initiatives of both individual citizens and various social organizations, groups, while accelerating and deepening further development of society as a whole. The article presents the objective identification of political communication, specific features of public speeches and a double-natured projection of political speeches in the vertical perspective of “power - opposition”. While positioning Bulgaria by the criterion of the democracy degree in the communication between the authorities and the opposition, we should take into account the amplitude differences: the peculiarities of the transition of Bulgaria after 1989, political configuration (the influence of the two-party system), the specifics of the political confrontation of the communicative process, which reveals their intransigence and difference in the positions. The specific confrontation between the main political actors (SDS and BSP) has been developing by the very destructive axis of “democracy – communism”. The eight-year activity of the coalition government of SDS (20012009) has led to an extreme expansion. Its intensity has been somewhat leveled by the ideological identity, but still it couldn’t soften the communicative confrontation between the authorities and the opposition. The activities of the three governmental offices of the GERD Party and Prime Minister’s B. Borisov office since 2009 have clearly highlighted the new differences in communicative with the opposition, provoking systemic intransigence. The authorities’ resistance to the opposition sometimes borders on arrogance. This creates a closed circle in which the authorities and the opposition wait for each other’s actions to quickly react to the miscalculations of the enemy in the media space, to compromise in order to set the new rules.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sullivan

Over the course of democratisation, Taiwan’s communications environment has experienced significant changes. Liberalisation and commercialisation of the media, and the emergence and popularisation of digital, have substantially altered the information environment and the expectations and behaviours of both citizens and political actors. This article explores the implications of these developments for political communications, and the vitality of Taiwan’s democracy. The article combines a conceptual framework rooted in mediatisation and hybrid media logics with empirical case studies on election campaigning, social movements, and other modes of political communication. It demonstrates how a new system of coevolving media, civil society, and political spheres is taking shape, characterised by complexity, heterogeneity, interdependence, and transition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Indra Setia Bakti ◽  
Khairul Amin

As a newcomer, the Perindo Party seeks to implement a specific strategy in order to compete with other parties that have already existed in the Indonesian political contestation. One of these is charity show programs. The high rating and concern societies watching the lives of poor people in various charity programs show besides creating profits also become a means of political communication. When political actors control the media, it is clear that there are interests also communicated, including the political powers of the funnel to get support from voters. When the Perindo Party is declared, the "scent" that HT and his party would use the media under their control is very clear. These signals can also be observed from the dominance of HT’s trusted people in the MNC Group in the composition of the Central Management Board Center, the Assembly of the Union Party and the court of Perindo party. That mean a charity program not only gives a very big business profit, but also the political media communication, enhance social branding in front of audiences, and build a base of loyal voters from poor family beneficiaries. To finishing this paper, the author uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The data in this article sourced from observations, studies of literature, and other sources considered relevant and then analyzed by the exchange theory of Peter Blau.


Author(s):  
Г.В. Романова

Статья посвящена особенностям функционирования в русском языке корпуса устойчивых выражений (УВ) в условиях новой реальности пандемии и специфике её отражения в языке с помощью использования УВ. Цель работы - изучить и установить особенности использования устойчивых выражений периода пандемии в СМИ: выявить их содержательные и структурные черты, а также с помощью лингвистического и текстового анализа определить функции их употребления. В процессе исследования установлена связь содержательных и структурных параметров УВ с особенностями отражения с их помощью новых пандемических реалий. Сделан вывод о специфическом отборе и структурировании УВ этого периода, которые соотнесены с целями их использования. Описаны четыре основные группы УВ, на которые распадаются отмеченные примеры: УВ книжного происхождения, крылатые слова (апелляция к литературному авторитету); пословицы и поговорки (обращение к народной мудрости); фразы из песен (апелляция к экспрессивным образным средствам, культурному авторитету); терминологические УВ (обращение к актуальным реалиям). Наиболее часто используемые способы структурной трансформации устойчивых выражений (замена слов и образование по модели УВ) предложено рассматривать как виды актуализации языкового материала, выдвинуто предположение, что трансформация является основной и постоянно действующей тенденцией «омолаживания» устойчивых выражений. Выявленные принципы отбора УВ и модели их модификаций, использованные для отражения новых реалий, могут быть ценными для теоретического изучения и прогнозирования дальнейшего пути развития современных языковых процессов, окажутся полезными и в практическом применении при формировании таких языковых контентов, как язык журналистики и язык рекламы. The article is devoted to the peculiarities of functioning in Russian of the corps of stable expressions (SE) in the conditions of the new reality of the pandemic, and the specifics of its reflection in the language using SE. The purpose of the work is to study and establish the features of the use of sustainable expressions of the pandemic period in the media: to identify their substantive and structural features, as well as using linguistic and textual analysis to determine the functions of their use. During the study, a link was established between the content and structural parameters in the media language with the features of reflecting new pandemic realities using SE. The conclusion is made about specific selection and structuring of SE of this period. The selection of the most used SE is made from the following sources: SE of book origin, winged words (appeal to literary authority); proverbs and sayings (appeal to folk wisdom); phrases from songs (appeal to expressive figurative means, cultural authority); terminological SE (addressing current realities). The most frequent methods of structural transformation of stable expressions (word replacement and formation according to the SE model) are proposed to be considered as types of actualization of language material, it is suggested that this transformation is the main and constant trend of "rejuvenation" of stable expressions. The identified principles of SE selection and models of their modifications used to reflect new realities can be valuable for theoretical study and prediction of the further development of modern language processes and will be useful in practical application in the formation of language content such as the language of journalism and the language of advertising.


Politics ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Savigny

In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian ‘public sphere’. This arena is now characterised by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media. The presentation of information for debate becomes distorted. The opinion of the ‘public’ is no longer created through deliberation, but is constructed through systems of communication, in conflict with political actors, who seek to retain control of the dissemination of information. The expansion of the internet as a new method of communication provides a potential challenge to the primacy of the traditional media and political parties as formers of public opinion.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Koukoutsaki-Monnier

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3/2) ◽  
pp. 75-82
Author(s):  
D. P. GAVRA ◽  
V. V. DEKALOV

In the paper, we consider the relationship between institutionalizedand non-institutionalized actors of media space within the framework  of communicative capitalism (J. Dean). We develop this  concept in the context of attention economy and new ways of digital  capitalization. Internet user's attention is attracted, enclosed in particular Web segments, and converted into money by these  segments’ owners and holders. So, new digital subjects  with  significant recourses and capabilities occur. Among them: traffic  monopolists, network elites, communicative capitalists. The  convergence of media- and networked spaces of social system  complicates relation configurations between subjects in both spaces.  Media relations are digitalized. Networked relations are mediated. On the area of these spaces’ intersection, different actors operate. They  are digital subjects, Internet users, media and journalists, media  audiences. Their communicative strategies and practices transform  and intertwine each other. In the paper, we highlight two situations. The first situation: when a journalist creates her or his  own network brand and tries to attract a new audience in her or his  Web segment. She or he faces with distrust and the desire of  Internet users to overturn the established symbolic hierarchies. The  second situation: when a digital actor tries to get rents from the  media space. She or he competes for the media audience and backs  up her or his independent status. Both situations give rise to a  number of opportunities and number of threats. Both digital actors  and journalists are influenced with algorithm biasing and post-truth  dissemination. The latter is aggravated with political actors’  participating and media and political subsystems converging.


Author(s):  
Florian Weiler

This article investigates the political communication behaviour of interest groups. First, by proposing indices to capture the degree to which mass media have become central for political communication (media logic of communication), and the degree to which conventional strategies aimed at politicians directly govern groups’ communication behaviour (political logic of communication). Based on these two indices, the article then proposes an overall index of mediatisation. Second, the article tests three hypotheses regarding the use of the media logic, the political logic, and the mediatisation of interest groups, and finds that group type, resources, and the level of competition all play a role for how strongly interest groups are mediatized. Thus, this article contributes to the scarce empirical research on mediatisation by a) proposing a way to operationalise this concept which can be adjusted using a different set of variables, but can also be applied for different political actors, and b) by showing the usefulness of the constructed indices in an empirical example for Swiss and German interest groups.


Author(s):  
Iryna Gavran ◽  
Olena Levchenko ◽  
Olha Pasichnyk

The purpose of the research is to analyze terror through screen images as a power discourse and to establish the role of an impact in the field of television art. Research methodology. The following methods were used: analysis and synthesis (the interdependence of the screen images, which are a kind of amplifier of intellectual potential on the screen, was analyzed); generalization (summary was made based on the analyzed links); systematization (all information collected during the research is systematized). The scientific novelty lies in the detailed consideration of the terror’s components in the screen arts. An attempt to influence the modern viewer with “terrorist” images. Conclusions. During the research, the scientific achievements of domestic researchers on the topic of coverage of power discourse in the media and cinema were analyzed. The role of the power discourse’s impact in the field of television art has been established. The peculiarities of screen images, their role and their influence on society have been revealed. The peculiarities of terror by screen images in the modern media space have been generalized. The impact of social networks and TV channels on the consciousness of people through manipulations has been determined.


Author(s):  
D. Likarchuk

In the modern political world, information and technological principles are important, which form the media space – factors of manipulation, fake news, support for political actors. The media, in the XXI century, not only manipulate society and create confrontational moments, but also in their activities mix politics, commercial advertising, criminal aspects. The modern product of media culture is media reality, which forms new boundaries of the socio-cultural space of each state. Media reality is one of the elements of communication technologies that influence society, but also individual state institutions. Focusing on important political problems and issues in the modern world is reduced to public (mass) attention, coverage of incorrect (fake) information about the opponent – and so is the process of manipulation of citizens and the creation of conflicts in society. All this is accompanied by an imbalance of communication interaction and information noise, which leads to distortion of the information space of the state, new hybrid wars, information disputes, fake news. In Ukraine, there are difficulties in maintaining the media space in the international arena, because we have a number of open and latent conflicts. Accordingly, the media space – connections and interaction, as well as gaps and opposition between agents in the political arena. Ukraine should understand that it is necessary to develop and integrate into new communication technologies. This will give an opportunity not only to orient oneself politically and to understand the advantages and disadvantages of one or another political force, but also to form one’s own integral and effective state interest and values. The rapid process of information and communication technologies in all spheres of society has caused global transformations, opened new opportunities for the information space. A popular model of integrated political technologies in Europe is social management in a real communication network. For example, Estonia has a progressive model of e-government in Europe, which means that communication technologies and a minimized level of conflict factors function accordingly in the country.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauro Cerbino ◽  
Francesca Belotti

Constitutional reforms in Ecuador and Bolivia and the subsequent laws on communications have opened up the media space to new social and political actors: public and community media. While the former tend to be associated with the state in form and with governments in substance, the latter are not clearly defined and occupy a place in the midst of the hegemonic struggle between the public and private sectors to enable citizens to actively intervene in the competition for shaping public opinion. It is therefore necessary to lay the groundwork for a definition of “community media” that includes both its legal and sociopolitical dimensions. Indeed, operationalizing such a definition might allow community media to recognize themselves in it and to take the measures required to fully project themselves as subjects of the law. Las reformas constitucionales de Ecuador y Bolivia, y las siguientes leyes de comunicación, han abierto el espacio mediático a nuevos actores sociales y políticos: los medios públicos y los comunitarios. Si los primeros tienden a ser referibles al Estado en la forma y a los gobiernos en la sustancia, los segundos se quedan indefinidos e irrumpen en la lucha hegemónica entre los sectores público y privado, para que la ciudadanía intervenga de forma activa en la disputa por la generación de opinión pública. Por lo tanto, es necesario sentar las bases para una definición del concepto de “medio comunitario” que sepa mantener unidas las dimensiones de significado legales y socio-políticas. Traducir en términos operativos esta definición podría permitir a los medios comunitarios reconocerse en los rasgos observables del concepto y, por ende, tomar medidas para proyectarse plenamente como sujetos de derecho.


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