scholarly journals Ochrona kultury narodowej w koncepcjach współczesnej prawicy narodowej w Polsce

2016 ◽  
pp. 15-25
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Radomski

Protection of natural culture in concepts of the contemporary National Right Wing in PolandIn the centre of the system of values of the National Right Wing which revived after 1989 there are still nation, family and religion. The nation as community of culture is in opinion of the said parties exposed to dangers. The main risks are in their opinion as follows: cosmopolitism, Communist ideology, individualism, liberalism; secularization.In Poland, such ideas are, in the opinion of the National Right Wing, propagated by the liberal and post-communist circles. In the beginning they demanded that the communist activists are brought to justice. Some columnists refer to antisemitism. They perceive also the fall of the literary output. They assess critically the novels of Czesław Miłosz, Stanisław Barańczak or Olga Tokarczuk. Similar assessments regard the works of Polish historians. As preventive measures the following is mentioned: appropriate educational activity, statutory protection of national heritage, broadening of Catholicism, promotion of national culture. They attach great importance to the national branding. Its components are history, language, political regime, architecture, literature, art, religion, icons landscape, music. They would probably accept the opinion of Michael Porter: “Many contemporary discussions of international competition stress global homogenization and a diminished role for nations. But, in truth, national differences are at the heart of competitive success.” Ochrona kultury narodowej w koncepcjach współczesnej prawicy narodowej w PolsceW centrum systemu wartości odrodzonego po 1989 roku ruchu narodowego pozostają naród, rodzina i religia. Naród, traktowany jako wspólnota kultury, narażony jest w ocenie wspominanych wyżej środowisk na liczne zagrożenia. Za najgroźniejsze uznają one: kosmopolityzm, ideologię komunistyczną, indywidualizm, liberalizm, sekularyzację. W Polsce wspomniane idee mają być propagowane przez środowiska liberalne i postkomunistyczne. W wypowiedziach publicystów narodowych pojawiają się także akcenty antysemickie. Krytyczna ocena dotyczy też współczesnej polskiej literatury, a zwłaszcza twórczości Czesława Miłosza, Stanisława Barańczaka czy Olgi Tokarczuk. Podobne oceny odnoszone są do prac polskich historyków. Za istotną uznano więc puryfikację kultury narodowej. Wśród środków zaradczych środowiska narodowe proponują: rozwój edukacji historycznej, ochronę dziedzictwa narodowego, rozwój katolicyzmu i promocję kultury narodowej. W tym ostatnim wypadku za niezwykle ważny uznają one branding narodowy. Jego podstawowe składniki to historia, język, architektura, krajobraz, reżim polityczny itp. Polscy narodowcy zapewne zaakceptowaliby opinię sformułowaną przez Michaela Portera. Twierdzi on, iż co prawda nastąpiła globalna homogenizacja, ale podkreślanie odrębności narodowej jest źródłem sukcesu.

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 232-261
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Laurențiu Ștefan

In Romania, a highly segmented and extremely volatile party system has contributed to a predominance of coalition governments. Alternation in power by coalitions led by either left-wing or right-wing parties used to be a major feature of Romanian governments. Thus, until a short-lived grand coalition in 2009, ideologically homogeneous coalitions were the general practice. Since then, parties from the right and left of the political spectrum have learned to work together in government. Given the semi-presidential nature of the political regime and the exclusive power to nominate the prime minister, the Romanian president plays an important role in coalition formation. The president also plays a pivotal role by shadowing the prime minister and therefore influencing the governance of coalitions. She has the power to veto ministerial appointments and therefore she can also shape the cabinet line-up. Pre-election coalitions are a common feature, more than two-thirds of Romanian coalition governments have been predicated on such agreements. Coalition agreements dealt with both policy issues and coalition decision-making bodies and the governance mechanisms that have been in most cases enforced and complied with—until the break-up of the coalition and the downfall of the respective government. One very common decision-making body is the Coalition Committee, which has been backed on the operational level by an inner cabinet made up of the prime minister and the deputy prime ministers, which usually are the heads of the junior coalition parties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stockemer ◽  
Tobias Lentz ◽  
Danielle Mayer

In this article, we summarize the individual demand-level factors explaining the radical right-wing vote in European countries. To do so, we first review 46 quantitative peer-reviewed articles featuring the individual vote choice in favour of a radical right-wing party as the dependent variable. To identify relevant articles, we use Kai Arzheimer’s bibliography on the radical right and employ the following inclusion criterion: the articles must be written in English, they must use the individual vote for a radical right-wing party as the dependent variable, they must use a quantitative methodology and they must include some type of regression analysis. Using this strategy, we conduct a meta-analysis of 329 relevant models and find that over 20 individual variables are tested. Because many variables such as attitudes towards immigration, employment, age, education and gender only show moderate success rates in attempting to explain an individual’s propensity to vote for the radical right, we complement the review of quantitative studies with an analysis of 14 qualitative publications. The review of these qualitative works shows that the processes through which somebody becomes a voter, supporter or activist of the radical right are often more complex than the commonly used surveys can portray them. Frequently, feelings of relative economic deprivation and dissatisfaction with the political regime trigger an awakening that makes individuals seek engagement. However, the processes behind this awakening are complex and can only be partially captured by quantitative studies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-46
Author(s):  
ALICJA IWANSKA

The fi nal decade of the 20th century was the turning-point for the development of Polish contemporary dance. In 1991 Jacek Łumiński established the Silesian Dance Theatre in Bytom. The theatre is said to be in the avant-garde of all activities related to contemporary dance development in Poland. It was J. Łumiński and his theatre who pioneered new trends in contemporary dance at the beginning of the nineties of the 20th century, at the same time they have conducted educational activity over the intervening twenty years.The aim of this article is to present the artistic and educational activity of the Silesian Dance Theatre of the recent twenty years. In the beginning the author presents a choreographic por-trait of J. Łumiński, the founder and choreographer of the Silesian Dance Theatre, and creator of the Polish contemporary dance technique. Then an analysis of J. Łumiński’s dance style is car-ried out, and the review of the Silesian Dance Theatre’s choreographic attainments is presented.The fi nal part of the article discusses the wide spectrum of educational activities under-taken in the fi eld of contemporary professional dance by theSilesian Dance Theatre, and the phenomenon of the theatre on the Polish stage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-36
Author(s):  
IRINA SUVOROVA

The article raises the problem of self-education of residents of the Karelian border region and the Arctic as the most important aspect of preserving human capital in the territory of the Republic in conditions of stable labour migration. The purpose of the article is to detect the influence of soci-ocultural factors on the level of self-education of the population of the districts remote from the capital centers. In a research the complex methodology including standard and non-standard ques-tionnaires, an interview, colloquiums, focus groups and questioning is used. Residents of Kosto-muksh city district, Sortaval, Pitkärant, Lahdenpoh municipal districts were involved as respondents for the study. The study found that the sociocultural situation is one of the determining factors of the self-educational activity of modern man, as it contributes to the formation of his axiosphere at the level of spiritual and material values. Analysis of the real sociocultural situation at the level of factors of internal order (social dynamics, economic model of development, changes in the political regime, state structure), historical factors (national peculiarities of culture, in the context of which the formation of current generations took place) and the factor of influence of global processes can identify the main factors determining the request for self-educational activities of our contemporar-ies. The results of the cameral processing of empirical data have made it possible to identify two main factors affecting the formation of a high motivation for self-education, which allows the in-habitants of Karelia to realize their spiritual and material needs at a high level and to preserve human capital as the main value of society in the unstable situation of a globalizing world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Plotnikova Elena V. ◽  

The article considers one of the aspects of the economic history of Russia, in particular, the nationalization of the banking sector in the Irkutsk province, which took place in the beginning of 1920 after the final approval of the power of the Soviets in the region. The relevance of the publication is dictated by the growth of scientific interest in the problems that make up the field of economic history research. In the realities of modern political and economic development of the Russian state, the specifics of the development of nationalization processes in certain sectors of the national economy, taking into account the existence of accompanying negative factors and working out ways to overcome them, also have a certain interest. The historical and genetic method, along with the principles of historicism and consistency, allowed us to restore the fabric of historical reality in the framework of the process of nationalization of the banking sector of the Irkutsk province and identify a number of negative phenomena that affected the fate of persons involved in this process. The nationalization processes that began in December 1917 were suspended by the change of the political regime in the province in July 1918. After the restoration of Soviet power, the Bolsheviks re-launched the nationalization of private banks in the region by creating a Liquidation and Technical Board, which in addition to representatives of Soviet authorities included employees of the banking sector in Irkutsk. The article describes the composition of the Board, highlights its activities related to the resolution of issues related to the payment of salaries to its employees, as well as employees of liquidated banking institutions. The issue of employees of evacuated bank branches located in Irkutsk at the time of nationalization is considered separately. The publication highlights the current shortage of money supply in the region, which resulted in delays in the salaries of employees in the banking sector and, as a result, the deterioration of their financial situation in the period under review. Keywords: nationalization, banking sphere of Irkutsk province, Liquidation and Technical Board, evacuation of bank branches, employees of private banks in Irkutsk


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-46
Author(s):  
Feiwel Kupferberg

The Moral Constitution. Right-wing extremism and xenophobia in reunited Germany. Most theories about right-wing extremism tend to focus upon either the perpetrators and their social background or, alternatively, the public debate on immigration policies. This article focus upon a third, relatively neglected dimension, the moral constitution of society or the presence of a civic ethos that can keep right-wing extremism under control. This control-theoretical approach is illustrated by a study on the differences between right-wing extremism and xenophobia in the old and new states in reunited Germany. The study suggests that the question of the national heritage and how it is coped with in a decisive manner influences the moral constitution and thus the conditions for creating a civic ethos, that is strong enough to contain right-wing extremism and xenophobia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 793-822
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Campbell

In the wake of the Second World War, cultural officers from the western Allied powers recovered several million objects plundered by the Nazis – works of art, Judaica, fine furniture, collectible books and archive collections. Recent books and films have popularized the history of the heroic art recovery effort, but less well-known is the story of what happened to objects that were never returned to rightful owners. In France, Belgium and the Netherlands, postwar governments selected the best of the unclaimed objects and distributed them to public museums, ministries, embassies and other state buildings. This public use of recovered art quietly endured until the 1990s, when heightened awareness of Holocaust-era assets led to greater public and press scrutiny and an increase in restitution claims. This article examines the origins of postwar art custodianships in a comparative analysis of French, Belgian and Dutch restitution policies. The comparison reveals national differences in the scope of looting operations and postwar restitution policies, yet the broad contours of each government’s approach to ownerless art are remarkably similar. In all three cases the custodianships continued the long-term dispossession of Jewish owners wrought by the Nazis and their collaborators.


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