Class, Attitudes, and Electoral Politics in Britain, 1974-1983

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN McALLISTER ◽  
ANTHONY MUGHAN

There is now general agreement that social class has declined in electoral importance in Britain in recent years. There is disagreement, however, about the role political attitudes have come to play in structuring the vote. This article builds on our previous research on political attitudes and voting in Britain by applying multivariate analysis to survey data collected for the 1983 general election. The analysis uses a sophisticated conceptualization of social class and political attitudes, and examines both their interrelationship and their conjoint influence on the vote. The results show, first, that the most salient political attitudes in the 1983 election, socialism and nuclearism, were significantly rooted in social class. Second, considered comparatively, attitudes were about three times as important an influence in the election as social class. Finally, a longitudinal analysis spanning the October 1974, 1979, and 1983 elections, confirms other research and indicates that there has been little fundamental change in the electorate's overall attitudinal structure but that the change there has been contributed to the Labour Party's falling vote over the three elections.

2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aldo Di Virgilio ◽  
Daniela Giannetti ◽  
Andrea Pedrazzani ◽  
Luca Pinto

IntroduzioneChanges in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.


1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar ◽  
Ian McAllister

Much of the key to the future of the British party system rests in the nature of the support for the Liberal–Social Democratic Alliance. If that support is a protest vote, the possibility of realignment within the party system is negligible; if it is socially and attitudinally distinct, then the potential for a fundamental realignment is clearly present. By applying multivariate analysis to survey data, this paper examines the social and attitudinal bases of support for the Alliance in the 1983 British general election, and for comparative purposes, examines Liberal support in the 1979 general election. The results show that Alliance support in 1983 was somewhat different from 1979 Liberal support, notably in terms of the issues that motivated Alliance voters. In light of comparative theoretical work on third parties, these findings suggest the possibility of a long-term rôle for the Alliance as either a realigning or at least persistently dealigning force.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melis G. Laebens ◽  
Aykut Öztürk

Although theories of partisanship were developed for the democratic context, partisanship can be important in electoral autocracies as well. We use survey data to analyze partisanship in an electoral autocracy, Turkey, and find that partisanship is pervasive, strong, and consequential. Using the Partisan Identity Scale to measure partisanship, we show that, like in democracies, partisanship strength is associated with political attitudes and action. Unlike in democracies, however, the ruling party’s superior ability to mobilize supporters through clientelistic linkages makes the association between partisanship and political action weaker for ruling party partisans. We find that partisan identities are tightly connected to the perception that other parties may threaten one’s well-being, and that such fears are widespread on both sides of the political divide. We interpret our findings in light of the autocratization process Turkey went through. Our contribution highlights the potential of integrating regime dynamics in studies of partisanship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Amrit Kumar Shrestha

Nepali Congress (NC) is one of the oldest political party of Nepal. It played a vital role to abolish the century long autocratic Rana rule in 1951. It fought against the party-less Panchayat system and the regressive step of the king. It opposes active kingship and communism. It believes in a representative democracy. It has participated in every election of Nepal that was conducted democratically. It won more than two-thirds majority seats in the first general election held in 1959. In every election, it stayed in the first or second position. This article tries to analyze the status of NC in the elections of Nepal. Data of seven general elections were examined in this article. Data were extracted basically from the reports of the Election Commission.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110602
Author(s):  
David A. Steinberg

A burgeoning literature shows that international trade and migration shocks influence individuals’ political attitudes, but relatively little is known about how international financial shocks impact public opinion. This study examines how one prevalent type of international financial shock—currency crises—shapes mass political attitudes. I argue that currency crises reduce average citizens’ support for incumbent governments. I also expect voters’ concerns about their own pocketbooks to influence their response to currency crises. Original survey data from Turkey support these arguments. Exploiting exogenous variation in the currency’s value during the survey window, I show that currency depreciations strongly reduce support for the government. This effect is stronger among individuals that are more negatively affected by depreciation, and it is moderated by individuals’ perceptions of their personal economic situation. This evidence suggests that international financial shocks can strongly influence the opinions of average voters, and it provides further support for pocketbook theories.


1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
ORIEL SULLIVAN

There are only a limited number of studies comparing housework among couples and individuals in different marital statuses, and the focus of attention has tended to be on married compared to cohabiting couples. This article focuses on differences between couples where one or more partner is remarried or recohabiting and those where both partners are in their first married or cohabiting relationships, using nationally representative survey data from Britain. It is shown in multivariate analysis that women in their second-plus partnerships contribute less in terms of their proportion of total housework time than women in their first partnerships. However, there is no effect for the man's number of previous partnerships or for current marital/cohabiting status. It is argued that the significant issue is interaction and negotiation with a subsequent partner in the light of experience gained from the breakdown of one or more previous married/cohabiting relationships.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Solihin ◽  
Tree Setiawan Pamungkas ◽  
Jhon Roi Tua Purba

The rapid population of beginner voters in Indonesia than in 2004-2009 should be a calculation in influencing election results. Perception of beginner voters on the performance of electoral institutions in a sense it is important to be discussed because of the independence and professionalism an important factor general election success.This study uses the quantitative research survey. Data collection techniques by questionnaire. The sampling technique is done with strafied random sampling technique. The survey conducted on students at nine universities in YogyakartaResults from this study: First, Knowledge voters on electoral institutions. Voters who do not know Bawaslu that as many as 49.7 percent of respondents. As for the KPU as much as 65.1 percent of voters know; Second, the level of confidence in electoral institutions quite good 57.2 percent of voters believe; Third, the perception of the neutrality of electoral institutions 50.5 percent; and Fourth, the Electoral Institute of Professionalism 48.1 percent of voters declared "professional"; and Fifth, Satisfaction with the performance of the KPU was satisfied only 44.4 percent, while 40.5 percent expressed "not satisfied.In conclusion the perception of beginner voters on the performance of electoral institutions KPU and Bawaslu overall is still relatively low and should be increased by way of socialization to voters. Keywords: general election, performance of electoral institutions, beginner voters, voter perceptions Pesatnya populasi pemilih pemula di Indonesia dari tahun 2004-2009patut menjadi perhitungan dalam mempengaruhi hasil Pemilu. Persepsi pemilih pemula terhadap kinerja peyelenggara Pemilu di rasa penting untuk di bahas dikarenakan independensi dan profesionalitas peyelenggara merupakan faktor penting keberhasilan peyelenggaraanPemilu.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif yakni survei. Teknik pengumpulan data dengan kuesioner. Teknik pengambilan sampel dilakukan dengan teknik strafied random sampling. Survei dilakukan terhadap mahasiswa di 9 perguruan tinggi di DIY.Hasil dari penelitian ini: Pertama, Pengetahuan pemilih terhadap lembaga penyelenggara pemilihan umum.pemilih pemula yang tidak mengetahui Bawaslu yakni sebanyak 49,7 persen responden. Sedangkan untuk KPU sebanyak 65,1 persen pemilih pemula mengetahui; Kedua, Tingkat kepercayaan terhadap lembaga peyelenggara pemilihan umum cukup baik 57,2 persen pemilih pemula percaya; Ketiga, Persepsi terhadap netralitas lembaga penyelenggara pemilihan umum 50,5 persen; dan Keempat, Profesionalisme Lembaga Pemilu 48,1 persen pemilih pemula menyatakan “professional”.; dan Kelima, Kepuasan terhadap kinerja KPU menyatakan puas hanya 44,4 persen sedangkan 40,5 persen lainnya menyatakan “tidak puas”.Kesimpulannya persepsi pemilih pemula terhadap kinerja peyelenggaraan pemilu yakni KPU dan Bawaslu secara keseluruhan masih tergolong rendah dan harus dilakukan peningkatan dengan cara sosialisasi terhadap pemilih pemula. Kata Kunci: pemilihan umum, pemilih pemula, persepsi pemilih, kinerja peyelenggara pemilu


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten Strøby Jensen

Do political attitudes influence the likelihood of employees being members of a trade union, and to what extent is this the case in the Nordic countries with their high aggregate levels of membership? In this article, I address these questions using European Social Survey data from 2012. The results show that left-wing political attitudes have the most impact on the likelihood of trade union membership in Sweden and to a lesser extent in Denmark. In Norway and Finland, there is no statistically significant impact. I argue that the impact of left-wing political attitudes on unionization in Sweden and Denmark reflects a conception among employees that trade unions are normative organizations.


Author(s):  
Michael Harkin

This essay traces the history of economic anthropology as a critique of classical economics, focusing primarily on two issues: reciprocity and the cultural valuation of goods. Both areas provide strong counter-evidence to the model of Homo economicus. Additionally, an analysis of consumer-based subcultures, focusing primarily on craft beer, is carried out. Finally, links between consumer choice, personal identity and group membership, social class, and electoral politics in the Age of Trump, are suggested.


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