Violent death, public problems and changes in Argentina

2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (5) ◽  
pp. 663-679
Author(s):  
Sandra Gayol ◽  
Gabriel Kessler
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Violent Death ◽  
Innocent Person ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Social Reaction ◽  
The Face ◽  
Causal Chains

This article makes connections between violent deaths, public problems and changes seen in the past 30 years in Argentina. The authors argue that the ways in which people were killed, the ways in which their dead bodies were handled and the ways in which the dead and their behaviours were described in terms of morality play a key role in determining social reaction and the challenging of public authorities. It is suggested that shock and outrage in the face of the violent death of a defenceless, innocent person trigger political, social and cultural changes in highly complex ways. Where contemporaries tend to establish almost immediate causal relationships, a retrospective analysis shows that the ruptures and continuities following each death result from a variety of temporal and causal chains. A death’s ability to pose public problems can help us think about democratic processes in Latin America, indicating that democracies in the region are judged in terms of their capacity to solve the public problems embodied by deaths like those analysed here.

scholarly journals "It feels like we're going back in time": rights of children with Congenital Zika Virus Syndrome and their caregivers in the face of two epidemics

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thais Maria Moreira Valim ◽  
Barbara Marciano Marques ◽  
Raquel Lustosa
Keyword(s):  
Zika Virus ◽  
Social Impact ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
New Disease ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Face ◽  
Risk Of Exposure ◽  
Common Profile

Over the past few months living and facing the COVID-19 pandemic, the fact that the virus and its spread are not democratic has already been proven: the most common profile among victims of the new disease are black, indigenous, and poor people. In addition, it is also racialized and people on the periphery have been experiencing the greatest economic and social impact of the pandemic. COVID-19, in this sense, seems to be consistent with other documented health crises, making its way along the wide avenues of inequality. In this article, we seek to describe how the paths of inequality traced by COVID-19 intersect with the paths of another epidemic, which is now almost invisible in the public eye: that of the Zika Virus. Based on field diaries from research carried out in Recife / PE between 2016 and 2020, we seek to show how families previously affected by Zika now face COVID-19, pointing to structural factors common to the two health crises that put the same people at greater risk of exposure.

The making and unmaking of Tarlabasi, Istanbul: an account of territorial stigmatisation

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 435-460
Author(s):  
Aysegul Can
Keyword(s):  
Urban Renewal ◽  
State Power ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
Urban Policies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Important Concept ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Face

Territorial stigmatisation has been drawing attention in the past decade as an important concept in analysing the bad reputation of run-down neighbourhoods and how this bad reputation is used and produced by state agencies. Especially, the links between territorial stigmatisation and urban policies that are followed by state-led gentrification processes have been an emerging discussion in this analysis of understanding the phenomenon of stigmatised places. This paper aims to examine the links and relationships between the concepts of territorial stigmatisation, state-led gentrification and state power in the neighbourhood of Tarlabasi in historic Istanbul. The questions this paper responds to through the analysis of Tarlabasi are: What were the motivations of agencies of power to mobilise stigmatisation of Tarlabasi during urban renewal projects? Why did territorial stigmatisation increase during processes of state-led gentrification? How did the inhabitants of Tarlabasi behave in the face of increased stigma? The paper concludes with reflections on the use of territorial stigmatisation as a tool and accelerator for urban renewal/regeneration/transformation projects as well as its use as a mechanism by which to procure consent from the public.

scholarly journals Half-Remembering and Half-Forgetting? On Turning the Past of Old Norse Studies into a Future of Old Norse Studies

Humanities ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Jan Alexander van Nahl
Keyword(s):  
Old Norse ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
The Public ◽  
Special Obligation ◽  
The Past ◽  
Societal Challenges ◽  
Science Technology ◽  
The Face

Many Humanities scholars seem to have become increasingly pessimistic due to a lack of success in their efforts to be recognized as a serious player next to their science, technology, engineering, and maths (STEM) colleagues. This appears to be the result of a profound uncertainty in the self-perception of individual disciplines within the Humanities regarding their role both in academia and society. This ambiguity, not least, has its roots in their own history, which often appears as an interwoven texture of conflicting opinions. Taking a stance on the current and future role of the Humanities in general, and individual disciplines in particular thus asks for increased engagement with their own past, i.e., histories of scholarship, which are contingent on societal and political contexts. This article’s focus is on a case study from the field of Old Norse Studies. In the face of the rise of populism and nationalism in our days, Old Norse Studies, with their focus on a ‘Germanic’ past, have a special obligation to address societal challenges. The article argues for the public engagement with the histories of individual disciplines to strengthen scholarly credibility in the face of public opinion and to overcome trenches which hamper attempts at uniting Humanities experts and regaining distinct social relevance.

Indian Communities, Political Cultures, and the State in Latin America, 1780–1990

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (S1) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florencia E. Mallon
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Development Model ◽  
La Paz ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Cultures ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Face ◽  
Linguistic Groups ◽  
Ongoing Formation

In Tlatelolco, in the symbolically laden Plaza of the Three Cultures, there is a famous plaque commemorating the fall of Tenochtitlán, after a heroic defence organised by Cuauhtemoc. According to the official words there inscribed, that fall ‘was neither a victory nor a defeat’, but the ‘painful birth’ of present-day Mexico, the mestizo Mexico glorified and institutionalised by the Revolution of 1910. Starting with the experiences of 1968 – which added yet another layer to the archaeological sedimentation already present in Tlatelolco – and continuing with greater force in the face of the current wave of indigenous movements throughout Latin America, as well as the crisis of indigenismo and of the postrevolutionary development model, many have begun to doubt the version of Mexican history represented therein.1 Yet it is important to emphasise that the Tlatelolco plaque, fogged and tarnished as it may be today, would never have been an option in the plazas of Lima or La Paz. The purpose of this essay is to define and explain this difference by reference to the modern histories of Peru, Bolivia and Mexico. In so doing, I hope to elucidate some of the past and potential future contributions of indigenous political cultures to the ongoing formation of nation-states in Latin America.As suggested by the plaque in Tlatelolco, the process and symbolism of mestizaje has been central to the Mexican state's project of political and territorial reorganisation. By 1970, only 7.8 % of Mexico's population was defined as Indian, and divided into 59 different linguistic groups.

scholarly journals Entre l’arbre et l’écorce : la recherche criminologique au Canada (1960-1985)

Criminologie ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-52
Author(s):  
Denis Szabo
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The University ◽  
The Relationship

The author describes the relationship that has been established over the past 25 years between university centres doing research in criminology and the Federal Government, pointing out both areas of agreement and as an expert and participant in the field, advocates a pluralistic type of collaboration between the University and the public authorities.

scholarly journals The Austrian Act on the Protection against Domestic Violence

Temida ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albin Dearing
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
General Public ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Impact

The past few years have seen a fundamental and broadly based change in the response to domestic violence perpetrated by men against women. The Act on Protection against Domestic Violence which entered into force on May 1st, 1997 reflects this new orientation, or rather this shift in paradigm, which has led to a new understanding of the phenomenon of domestic violence and defines appropriate response by the state by it. The impact of this shift in paradigm is considerable: not only have public authorities and private women?s institutions changed their attitudes towards domestic violence, but the general public now responds to this phenomenon in a manner that is entirely different from what it was prior to the approach. Reports on cases of violence no longer merely state the facts indifferently, but now invariably end with the question whether the authorities had been informed and whether they had taken any action to prevent the crime. Thus the public authorities have come to assume responsibility for combating domestic violence as a result of societal developments.

scholarly journals The right to the sun in the urban design

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Lepore
Keyword(s):  
Solar Energy ◽  
Renewable Energy Sources ◽  
Town Planning ◽  
Design Strategies ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Face ◽  
Legal Constraints ◽  
The Right ◽  
Energy Efficiency Standards

<p>All the initiatives aimed at removing obstacles to the widespread use of renewable energy sources have costs for the Community. May they be economic, such as grants, reductions on taxation, discounts on concession or town planning charges, as prizes of cubic capacity building. But even in the case of mandatory standards the question of “solar rights” of existing buildings and open spaces during a given period of the year. Remains a crucial issuel in fact, among the various design strategies aimed at energy efficiency standards required, pursuit of those who use solar energy are determined. In the face of such costs created by the public authorities and the legal constraints, the current legislation does not guarantee the solar right in the urban planning. It is absurd to legislate and use collective resources to encourage or even force the adoption of strategies that are based on the solar energy and plan the city with rules that deny access to neighboring lots.</p>

scholarly journals INVESTMENT ACTIVITY OF THE PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS IN FOREIGN FINANCIAL MARKETS AS A NEW FACTOR IN THE TENGE EXCHANGE RATE

2020 ◽  
pp. 17-33
Author(s):  
V. Dodonov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Foreign Exchange ◽  
Foreign Exchange Market ◽  
Exchange Market ◽  
Investment Activity ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Face ◽  
External Conditions

The situation on the foreign exchange market of Kazakhstan over the past few years has been characterized by ambiguous trends and increased devaluation expectations. Problems in the field of exchange rate formation include the adequacy of the level of the tenge exchange rate, its weak predictability, as well as the loss of connection with objective factors that determined the course dynamics over a long period. The increase in uncertainty in the foreign exchange market of Kazakhstan coincided in time with the aggravation of problems in the field of public finance, in particular, with the period of progressive reduction in the volume of the National Fund, as well as the need to ensure the return on pension assets in the face of instability of the national currency. This coincidence suggests that it is the investment activity of the largest state institutions represented by the National Fund, the ENPF and the need to ensure their acceptable profitability in difficult external conditions that have become a new factor that has a serious impact on the currency market of Kazakhstan. This hypothesis is considered in the article, and for the purpose of its assessment, the relationship between the key parameters of the activity of these institutions, their profitability and the tenge exchange rate over the past few years is analyzed.

Sketch of the French Legislation Relative to the Insane

1882 ◽  
Vol 28 (123) ◽  
pp. 356-369
Author(s):  
Achille Foville
Keyword(s):  
Public Authority ◽  
The Other ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Criminal Intent ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Sound Mind ◽  
The One ◽  
Time Required

The conditions established to regulate the admission of patients into lunatic asylums have given rise, in every country, to a great deal of discussion. On the one hand, many unacquainted with medicine are inclined to dread the abuse of the power to confine individuals not really insane under the pretext of insanity, and with more or less criminal intent; therefore these persons contend that admissions to asylums should be preceded by intricate formalities and repeated inquiries, with the interference of some public authority, such as a commission of either judicial or administrative officers. On the other hand, physicians advocate the necessity of prompt recourse to an asylum, not only for the patient's own benefit, but for his family's welfare; they demonstrate that a man labouring under acute insanity cannot be left to himself during the time required to set in motion the working of such complicated machinery as that proposed to be brought into action prior to his admission into a hospital; they further reject all interference of the public authorities to this end, as hurtful to private family feeling and the maintenance of professional secrecy, demanding, likewise, the greatest facilities for easy admission, guaranteed, nevertheless, by any number of subsequent examinations, or other means of inquiry into the case; and, finally, they hold that such supposed illegal confinements do not exist, since it has not been proved that any one really of sound mind has ever been shut up in any asylum, and that, therefore, the liberty of the subject is in no danger whatever. So in this respect we may rest confident, seeing that the past gives us full assurance for the future. Such is, upon the whole, the main point of dispute in every discussion on the subject, which happens to spring up again and again in different countries.

The ‘revolution that never was’: Rai-TV and the launch of Tribuna politica

Modern Italy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-294
Author(s):  
Giulia Guazzaloca
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Public Broadcasting ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Spectrum

This article examines the launch of the Tribuna elettorale and Tribuna politica programmes on Italian television (1960–1961), seen in the context of the country's broadcasting history and the changes in the political spectrum and governing alliances at that time. The changing face of political communications and leader–viewer relations may be the most interesting side to the Tribune, but also the most heavily studied. This article chooses instead to reconstruct the steps and reasons that led prime minister Fanfani in the autumn of 1960 to force through his decision to give all political parties airspace for political propaganda. The article argues that the Tribune programmes were only partly innovatory, a kind of ‘revolution that never was’. They were a first step towards democratising the public broadcasting corporation, but maintained firm links with the past and above all sought to legitimiste ‘government television’, as well as delaying structural reform of the medium in the face of mounting pressure on many sides. For the Christian Democrat (DC) and the RAI management, the Tribune programmes were a clever compromise solution, giving in terms of pluralism of information what they were not prepared to concede in terms of pluralism of management.

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