scholarly journals The right to the sun in the urban design

Author(s):  
Michele Lepore

<p>All the initiatives aimed at removing obstacles to the widespread use of renewable energy sources have costs for the Community. May they be economic, such as grants, reductions on taxation, discounts on concession or town planning charges, as prizes of cubic capacity building. But even in the case of mandatory standards the question of “solar rights” of existing buildings and open spaces during a given period of the year. Remains a crucial issuel in fact, among the various design strategies aimed at energy efficiency standards required, pursuit of those who use solar energy are determined. In the face of such costs created by the public authorities and the legal constraints, the current legislation does not guarantee the solar right in the urban planning. It is absurd to legislate and use collective resources to encourage or even force the adoption of strategies that are based on the solar energy and plan the city with rules that deny access to neighboring lots.</p>

Author(s):  
_______ Naveen ◽  
_____ Priti

The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.


Gerontologia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-242
Author(s):  
Laura Kalliomaa-Puha

Jokaisella vanhuksella on Suomessa yksilöllinen, viime kädessä perustuslaissa taattu, oikeus riittävään hoivaan ja huolenpitoon. Silti tämä oikeus on usein käytännössä riippuvainen siitä, onko vanhalla ihmisellä omaisia tukenaan. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastellaan sitä, miten oikeus hoivaan ja hoitoon taataan lainsäädännössä. Omaisilla ei lain mukaan ole vastuuta hoivan järjestämisestä, mutta silti lainsäädäntö monessa kohdin ikään kuin olettaa omaisten olevan vanhuksen tukena. Vaikka omaiset usein ovatkin tukena, miten perusoikeus hoivaan ja huolenpitoon toteutuu niillä vanhuksilla, joilla ei ole omaisia? Artikkeli nostaa vakavimpana omaisolettaman riskinä esiin ne vanhukset, joilla on omaisia, mutta joiden omaiset eivät osaa tai halua auttaa. Right to care and presumption of family and friends in the Finnish legislation According to Finnish legislation the public authorities must guarantee adequate social, health and medical services for those old persons who cannot obtain means necessary for a life of dignity. Yet in practice this right to receive indispensable subsistence and care often depends on the fact whether the old person happens to have family or friends to help her or him. As if the legislation supposes there are friends and family to help, even though, according to Finnish law, family members do not have legal responsibility to take care of an elderly person. This article elaborates how the right to care is guaranteed in Finnish legislation and what the law says about the responsibilities of the family. Even though most of the relatives do help their elderlies, how is the right to care fulfilled for those old persons who do not have family? Perhaps the elderlies who have family and friends, which do not help or do not know how to, are in the most vulnerable situation.


Author(s):  
Kuldeep Mathur

This chapter examines administrative accountability through the democratic pillar of public transparency. One of the pillars of democratic accountability is the availability of adequate information in the public domain about the functioning government. It has taken a social movement for transparency in government to establish people’s right to information through the passage of the Right to Information Act in 2005. However, traditional administration has not reconciled to its demands and PPPs are kept out of its purview on the plea that they are not public authorities. The Lok Pal (ombudsman) Bill has been passed in response to another struggle of civil society.


Author(s):  
Markus Patberg

This chapter takes up the public narrative of ‘We, the multitude of Europe’, which suggests that the only hope for progressive change in the EU lies in a politics of disruption, and asks whether this idea can be defended based on a systematic model. To that end, it resorts to the political theory of destituent power, according to which opposition to or withdrawal from public authority can function as a legitimate trigger for constitutional change. Distinguishing between anti-juridical and juridical conceptions of destituent power, the chapter discusses to what extent the disruptive political strategies put forward by protest movements in the EU can be regarded as justifiable. Focusing on the juridical strand as the more plausible one, it argues that ideas of destituent power as ‘state civil disobedience’ run into a problem of authorization. By contrast, popular sovereignty-based approaches illuminate a neglected dimension of constituent power: the right to dismantle public authorities without the intention to create new ones. While such a model of destituent power in part captures the actions and demands of EU protest movements, it can only complement, not replace, the constructive side of constituent power.


Energies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (18) ◽  
pp. 3554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Lobaccaro ◽  
Malgorzata Maria Lisowska ◽  
Erika Saretta ◽  
Pierluigi Bonomo ◽  
Francesco Frontini

Rapid and uncontrolled urbanization is continuously increasing buildings’ energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions into the atmosphere. In this scenario, solar energy integrated into the built environment can play an important role in optimizing the use of renewable energy sources on urban surfaces. Preliminary solar analyses to map the solar accessibility and solar potential of building surfaces (roofs and façades) should become a common practice among urban planners, architects, and public authorities. This paper presents an approach to support urban actors to assess solar energy potential at the neighborhood scale and to address the use of solar energy by considering overshadowing effects and solar inter-building reflections in accordance with urban morphology and building characteristics. The approach starts with urban analysis and solar irradiation analysis to elaborate solar mapping of façades and roofs. Data processing allows assessment of the solar potential of the whole case study neighborhood of Sluppen in Trondheim (Norway) by localizing the most radiated parts of buildings’ surfaces. Reduction factors defined by a new method are used to estimate the final solar potential considering shadowing caused by the presence of buildings’ architectural elements (e.g., glazed surfaces, balconies, external staircases, projections) and self-shading. Finally, rough estimation of solar energy generation is assessed by providing preliminary recommendations for solar photovoltaic (PV) systems suited to local conditions. Results show that depending on urban morphology and buildings’ shapes, PV systems can cover more than 40% of the total buildings’ energy needs in Trondheim.


2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Bennett

In this era of technological disruption, when many industries are fighting to stay relevant, the oil and gas industry seems to be stagnant. It is in this environment where public perception of the modern industry is becoming more critical and as younger consumers grow in both number and political influence, their viewpoints will become especially vital to the continued relevance of the industry. The oil and gas industry gives itself high marks for innovation, safety and environmental sustainability, and yet the public opinion in these areas is often portrayed very negatively. We have an image problem. The belief that oil and gas is good for society seems to decline with each younger generation. The public believes the industry is necessary for society, though they still see it as a problem causer, not a problem solver. But support for the industry falls with each generation and millennials are more likely to believe the industry is bad for society and a problem causer. The oil and gas industry needs to communicate and engage with consumers to identify ways to better understand their motivations and concerns. Clearly there is a gap in how the public and executives view the industry and the time to address these perceptions is now. To view the video, click the link on the right.


Author(s):  
Juan Manuel Goig Martínez

La alimentación adecuada constituye un derecho humano. Así lo han reconocido oficialmente la gran mayoría de los Tratados Internacionales sobre derechos humanos. Pero existe una gran diferencia entre que un Estado reconozca oficialmente la alimentación como un derecho fundamental en su constitución, o lo haga como un principio rector, puesto que ello dotará al derecho a la alimentación adecuada de una mayor protección, o lo convertirá en un principio de actuación de los poderes públicos. Se puede exigir a los gobiernos garantizar el ejercicio efectivo del derecho a la alimentación de conformidad con las disposiciones constitucionales para otros derechos humanos. Pero, la capacidad de la invocación indirecta de otros derechos humanos para lograr la protección efectiva del derecho a la alimentación en el plano nacional dependerá, en definitiva, de la interpretación jurídica que se haga de la Constitución.Adequate food is a human right. Thus the vast majority of treaties have officially recognized it human rights. But there is a big difference between that a State officially recognizes food as a fundamental right in the Constitution, or do it as a guiding principle, since this will provide the right to adequate food of greater protection, or the It will become a principle of action of the public authorities. You may require Governments to ensuring the effective exercise of the right to food in accordance with the constitutional provisions for other human rights. But the indirect invocation of other human rights capacity to achieve effective protection of the right to food at the national level will depend, ultimately, of the legal interpretation that is made of the Constitution.


Chapter 4 considers the administrative structure created by the Freedom of Information Act 2000; the right to information itself; the public authorities that are subject to the right; and the way in which requests for information should be handled. The chapter addresses the form of the request; the definition of ‘information’; the problems that tribunals have had in deciding whether information is held by a public authority; time limits; the transfer of requests from one authority to another; the duty to provide advice and assistance; fees and costs; vexatious and repeated requests; and the notice which has to be given when a request is refused. The chapter then considers the automatic disclosure of information through publication schemes, the need for consultation with third parties, and record management.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-14
Author(s):  
Alla IVANOVSKA ◽  
Olena HALUS ◽  
Iryna RYZHUK

It is found that the right to information about the activities of public authorities is linked to the more general constitutional right of everyone to freely collect, store and disseminate information in any lawful manner. The analyzed law is subject to international and domestic rules governing the right of access to information in general. At the same time, this right is regulated in great detail by special regulations that establish additional guarantees. An important guarantee that ensures the realization of the right of citizens to information about the activities of public authorities is the principle of transparency, which applies in many democracies around the world. The principle of transparency is manifested, firstly, in the fact that public authorities are obliged to inform the public about their activities, and secondly, every member of society has the appropriate right to receive such information, and the level of access to information about activities of public authorities is very important. Forms of exercising the right to information about the activities of public authorities, taking into account the peculiarities of legal regulation, are divided into passive and active. The passive form presupposes that the citizen himself gets acquainted with the information about the activity of the public authority, which duty is to make it public. An active form of exercising this right involves direct appeals of citizens or their groups to public authorities with requests to provide relevant information. It is concluded that ensuring the exercise of the right to information about the activities of public authorities is the key to building a democratic state governed by the rule of law and relies on public authorities, which are obliged to create all conditions for public participation in the adoption of legal acts by these bodies and to provide adequate access to complete and objective information about their activities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Alvine Longla Boma

Civil Society organisations play key roles in African countries. This is not an exception in the Cameroonian dispensation. Indeed, the existence and operation of civil societies in this jurisdiction is legitimated by a 1990 law allowing the free formation of associations. Even though the state has the primary obligation to promote and protect human rights, there also exists a plethora of associations with the same interest. This paper is motivated by the state’s wanton failure in ensuring the enjoyment and fulfilment of the right. For one thing, the state has maintained a stronghold on the Civil Society through legislation which gives public authorities a leverage over human rights defenders. Moreover, an analysis of existing legal and institutional frameworks available to allow human rights non-governmental organisations thrive, leaves much to be desired. Findings reveal that though there are adequate laws and institutions which ensure the creation and functioning of Civil Society organisations in Cameroon, there are also contradictory laws which give the public authority an edge over these organisations and allow them to sanction the activities of some human rights defenders under the guise of maintaining public order. We argue that there should be adequate protection offered to human rights defenders as well as the relaxation of laws permitting public authorities to illegally sanction the activities of relevant non-governmental organisations.


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