Chiefs and the Politics of Land Reform in the North East District, Botswana, 2005–2008

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127
Author(s):  
Boga Thura Manatsha

The North East District has the most contentious land question in post-colonial Botswana. Most of its land was expropriated by a colonial syndicate called the Tati Concessions (Tati Company) in the 1880s. Chunks of said land are still held under freehold titles resulting in the district experiencing severe land scarcity, especially for communal use. In a continuous effort to address this problem, the government purchased 19 freehold farms between 2005 and 2008 (about 20000 hectares) for redistribution. The process was carried out under the leadership of the Tati Land Board and North East District Administration while the chiefs and their communities were marginalised. This oversight and marginalisation of traditional leaders and their communities undermine the Chieftainship Act, which mandates the chiefs to actively promote the welfare of their tribes, inform them about developments and government policies. Using the participatory democracy theory, the article examines this land reform from the point of view of the local chiefs. It concludes that the marginalisation of the chiefs amounted to ‘community exclusion’ rendering the reform anti-redistributive.

Author(s):  
Mohsina Rahman

<p>The North-East of India has been a hotly debated territory of India with voices coming up from different states such as Nagaland, Manipur and Assam demanding separate nations for themselves. These separatist agitations have got further confounded with a constant influx of Muslim immigrants from Bangladesh which began to impinge on the local cultural identities and demographics. This resulted in a prolonged militancy coupled with agitations yielding space for the Pakistani/Sri Lanka/Bangladesh based militants to infiltrate into India through porous borders of the North East and engage some disgruntled ultra outfits in the North East to wage a battle against India. In fact, Naga agitation for separate country bears a lot of similarity with the LTTE’s struggle for separate Eelam in Sri Lanka. Both have a lot of diaspora support and web-based campaign movements (Maya Ranganathan, 2010: 127-149). All these developments have complicated the prospects of the economic and industrial growth in this region. This resulted in the staggering illiteracy and unemployment for over a decade. Towards addressing the problems of the region, the government of India has taken a political decision to establish as many as seven central universities under its direct funding to ensure that the region gets the best education which might contribute further for enhanced employment opportunities in the region. Also, various department under Assam Government such as the Tourism Department, Health Department, Education Department, Social welfare Department etc has been provided with e-governance facilities for the users. The study assumes significance from the point of view that how far the e-services of various departments leads to the sustainable growth of the state and what is the role of media, government and educational institutes to improve the sustainable growth of the states through e-services.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Ankita Pandey

Guwahati derives its name from the Assamese word “Guwa” means areca nut and “Haat” means market. However, the modern Guwahati had been known as the ancient Pragjyotishpura and was the capital of Assam under the Kamrupa kingdom. A beautiful city Guwahati is situated on the south bank of the river Bramhaputra. Moreover, It is known as the largest city in the Indian state of Assam and also the largest metropolis in North East India. It has also its importance as the gateway to the North- East India. Assamese and English are the spoken languages in Guwahati.  In 1667, the Mogul forces were defeated in the battle by the Ahom forces commanded by Lachut Barphukan. Thus, in a sense Guwahati became the bone of contention among the Ahoms, Kochas and the Moguls during the medieval period.  Guwahati the administrative headquarters of Lower Assam with a viceroy or Barbhukan was made by the Ahom king.  Since 1972 it has been the capital of Assam. The present paper will discuss the changes happened in Guwahati over the period of late 1970s till the present time. It will focus on the behavior of people, transformed temples, Panbazar of the city, river bank of Bramhaputra, old Fancy Bazaar, chaotic ways, festivals and seasons including a fifth man made season etc. It will also deal how over the years a city endowed with nature’s gifts and scenic views, has been changing as “a dirty city”. Furthermore, it will also present the insurgencies that have barged into the city. The occurrence of changes will be discussed through the perspective and point of view of Srutimala Duara as presented in her book Mindprints of Guwahati.


2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 273
Author(s):  
Michael J Kelly ◽  
Sean Watts

In the aftermath of the Cold War, many began to question the continuing efficacy, or at least call for reform, of collective security structures such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Security Council. Yet, North East Asia never enjoyed a formal, institutionalised collective security structure. As Russia and the United States recede and China emerges in North East Asia, this article questions whether now is the time to consider such an arrangement. Financially, Japan and South Korea are locked into a symbiotic relationship with China (as is the United States), while the government in Beijing continues to militarise and lay territorial and maritime claims to large areas of the region. Moreover, the regime in North Korea, with its new nuclear capabilities, remains unpredictable. Consequently, central components to the question of collective security in North East Asia are the equally vexing questions of what to do about North Korea and whether a new formalised security arrangement would include or exclude the People's Republic of China.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haddad Amar ◽  
Beldjazia Amina ◽  
Kadi Zahia ◽  
Redjaimia Lilia ◽  
Rached-Kanouni Malika

Mediterranean ecosystems are considered particularly sensitive to climate change. Any change in climatic factors affects the structure and functioning of these ecosystems and has an influence on plant productivity. The main objective of this work is to characterize one of the Mediterranean ecosystems; the Chettaba forest massif (located in the North-East of Algeria) from a vegetation point of view and their link with monthly variations using Landsat 8 satellite images from five different dates (June 25, 2017, July 27, 2017, August 28, 2017, October 15, 2017). The comparison of NDVI values in Aleppo pine trees was performed using analysis of variance and the use of Friedman's non-parametric test. The Mann-Kendall statistical method was applied to the monthly distribution of NDVI values to detect any trends in the data over the study period. The statistical results of NDVI of Aleppo pine trees indicate that the maximum value is recorded in the month of June, while the lowest values are observed in the month of August where the species studied is exposed to periods of thermal stress.


Author(s):  
Maria Lúcia Pallares-Burke

Although his views on the subject were changeable and difficult to define, Gilberto Freyre was interested in politics from his youth onwards. He had a brief political career as assistant to the Governor of Pernambuco (1926–1930) and as a deputy in the Constituent Assembly (1946–1950), where he spoke for the North East. He had what he called a “quasi-political” career as a journalist for most of his long life and he was also a cultural manager who founded or supported institutions that spread the ideas he believed in. More importantly, his central interests and ideas had political implications. He was accused of “Bolshevism” for his emphasis on the African element in Brazilian culture. His regionalism embodied a protest against centralization and standardization. His lifelong interest in architecture included a concern with housing for the poor that was hygienic and environmentally friendly, and also with the conservation of colonial buildings to serve as an inspiration for a Brazilian style of modern architecture. As a scholar, Freyre supported what he called the “tropicalization” of the social sciences, freeing them from generalizations based simply on European and North American experience. His view of Brazil in terms of culture instead of race implied that the government should be concerned with the health and education of the poor rather than with “whitening” the country by encouraging immigration from Europe. His idea that mixture was the core of Brazilian identity was taken up by governments from Vargas to Lula, while his idea of “Luso-Tropicalism,” claiming that the Portuguese were more flexible and benevolent colonizers than other nations, was used as a defense against critics of colonialism by the Salazar regime.


1885 ◽  
Vol 38 (235-238) ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  

In the following communication I desire to make known to the Society some of the results which I obtained by means of grant given to me by the Government Grant Committee. Brief and incomplete as these notes on the fossil plants must necessarily be at the present stage, they will, I trust, serve to disclose how enormously increased our knowledge must become when the study of these plants shall have been completed.


2010 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.S. Mlambo

This study seeks to trace the role of race in the evolution of the land question in Zimbabwe from Occupation to the ‘fast-track land reform programme’ of 2000 and beyond to explore the extent to which the era of colonial domination made the racialization of the land issue in the post-colonial period almost unavoidable. It contends that Mugabe’s use of race to justify the campaign to drive whites from the land from 2000 onwards was facilitated (in part) by the fact that race had always been used by the colonial authorities as a decisive factor in land acquisition and allocation throughout the colonial period and that using the alleged superiority of the white race, colonial authorities alienated African land for themselves without either negotiating with the indigenous authorities or paying for the land. Consequently, Mugabe’s charge that the land had been stolen and needed to be retaken clearly resonated with some segments of the Zimbabwean population enough to get them to actively participate in the land invasions of the time.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Byung Jong Lee

Because newspaper readers or television viewers cannot directly experience or witness events that are happening in foreign countries, they have to rely heavily on foreign correspondents for their perspectives on the world. But the views of foreign correspondents can never be fully objective. Their views are often shaped by the government policies of the countries their companies belong to. Also, their attitudes are affected by the editorial policies of the companies they work for. Particularly for such controversial issues as North Korea, foreign correspondents' viewpoints are highly influenced by their government and company policies. The question is how foreign correspondents react when their government foreign policy is different from their company editorial policy. To examine the impact of government and company policies on the attitudes of foreign correspondents, this paper interviewed eight foreign correspondents covering North Korea. The results show government foreign policy and company editorial policy strongly influence the foreign correspondents' attitudes toward the North.


This interesting species of trypanosome appears to be widely distributed in Uganda. It was first discovered by the Commission in two cattle which came from Kavirondo, the district lying to the north-east of Victoria Nyanza. These oxen were driven to Kampala round the north end of the Lake, and probably became infected on the way. Then the Government Transport Department lost many of their oxen from this trypanosome. They were worked between Kampala, the native capital, and Luzira, the port on the Lake-shore, which lies about seven miles to the south-east. When the epidemic. broke out these cattle were kraaled near the Lake-shore, along which they were allowed to graze, and where tsetse-flies are numerous. Afterwards, at the suggestion of the Commission, they were kraaled at Kampala, when the epidemic stopped, and no more deaths from Trypanosoma vivax occurred among them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bifatife Olufemi Adeyese, ◽  
Ishola Kamorudeen Lamidi

This study examines the extent to which the Nigerian journalists comply with ethical values in the course of their reportage. Two national dailies – The Nation and Daily Trust newspapers were selected for content analysis, using systematic random sampling technique to pick 26 editions per newspaper. A period of six months from 14 December 2014 to 14 June, 2015, covering the 4th phase of the state of emergency was chosen. Tables, figures, and sample percentage counts were employed in making the research data easily understandable. The findings revealed that though the newspapers appeared to be ethically compliant in their reportage, none of the two newspapers was neutral in its reportage of the state of emergency rule. Majority of their stories were considered unpleasant and capable of aggravating the crisis in the troubled states. The hypothesis were tested, one showed that there is a significant difference between the number of news stories and the number of ethical breaches in the selected newspapers; hypothesis two showed a significant difference between ethically breaching and ethically standard reports/content of the selected newspapers; hypothesis three showed a significant difference between the ethical breaching of Daily Trust and those of The Nation –X2 = 0.09; P<0.05, df1. The study therefore, recommends that journalists should always have a healthy regard for the public interest, desist from slavish adulation and join hands with the government in bringing about lasting peace to the troubled states and desist from publishing inflammatory stories.


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