An Integrated Review of Recent Research on the Relationships Between Religious Belief, Political Ideology, Authoritarianism, and Prejudice

2020 ◽  
pp. 003329412092539
Author(s):  
Joshua A. Cuevas ◽  
Bryan L. Dawson

Religious ideology and extremism have had an increasing influence on political agendas in the United States and much of the developed world in the past 60 years, with right-wing ideology becoming more prevalent this decade. This article serves as a review of studies investigating the correlations between political ideology, religiosity, right-wing authoritarianism, ingroups/outgroups, and prejudice in an attempt to describe and understand the well-established links between these dimensions. We discuss several group-level theories including Terror Management Theory, Social Identity Theory, Realistic Group Conflict Theory among others to frame the intercorrelations of these constructs in an effort to better understand the underlying mechanisms that drive individuals to embody religious and political beliefs. We then discuss individual-level cognitive and psychological differences such as intelligence, cognitive flexibility, and specific biological and neurological limitations of brain function that may influence people to adopt certain religious and political beliefs. Through a more comprehensive understanding of the underlying mechanisms of religious and political extremism, we may be better equipped to assuage the fear and denigration that is associated with many of these beliefs.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark John Brandt ◽  
G. Scott Morgan

Ideology and political beliefs are individual-level phenomena that are intended to describe the political thoughts of a person. However, the modal study of the structure of political ideologies and beliefs uses cross-sectional survey data to estimate what is central to the belief system or the dimensionality of the belief system. Cross-sectional data are ill-suited to the task of studying individual-level phenomena because they contain an unobservable mixture of within-person and between-person variation. In this project, we use longitudinal datasets from the Netherlands and the United States, spanning between 6 months and 10 years, to we ask whether the modal study helps us understand the ideologies in people’s heads? First, using Bayesian STARTS models (Lüdtke, Robitzsch, & Wagner, 2018), we find that variability in measures of ideology and political beliefs is primarily due to stable between-person differences, with relatively smaller amounts variation due to within-person change. Second, we estimate between-person, within-person, and cross-sectional correlations between all items in our study and find that between-person correlations are substantially different from within-person correlations. Between-person correlations are larger and in some cases differ in their direction from within-person correlations. Cross-sectional correlations are most similar to between-person correlations, suggesting that the modal study may help describe divisions between people but is ill-suited to tell us about the structure of individual’s ideologies and political beliefs. New methods are necessary for a complete understanding of political attitudes that can focus on both between- and within-person processes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 073112142110246
Author(s):  
Adam Mayer

In the last few decades, the United States has experienced several related and significant societal trends—the transition of the energy system away from coal, the intensification of partisan polarization, and the rise of a populist right-wing political ideology, perhaps best exemplified by the election of Donald Trump. We build Gramling and Freudenberg’s little-explored concept of “development channelization” to argue that nostalgic right-wing populism, grievances directed toward the federal government, and partisanship converge to potentially thwart efforts to transition and diversify rural economies. Populist nostalgia and blame are associated with support for expanding the collapsing coal industry but do not predict support for other types of development. There are patterns of partisan polarization in support for extractive industries and wind power, but many development options appear to be relatively nonpartisan. We discuss these findings in terms of populism, nostalgia, partisan polarization, and the potential for rural renewal in the United States.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Willem van Prooijen ◽  
André P. M. Krouwel

Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Francis Issahaku Malongza Bukari ◽  
Stephen Bugu Kendie ◽  
Mohammed Sulemana ◽  
Sylvester Zackaria Galaa

This paper assesses the effects of inter-ethnic chieftaincy and land conflicts on the socio-political development of northern Ghana. The knowledge gap the study sought to fill is the use of theoretical antecedents to illustrate that conflicts have some merits for socio-political development and that conflict theories equally depict solutions to conflicts. Methodologically, the study makes use of content analysis of secondary data, by following the tenets of the realistic group conflict theory. Examples were drawn from the Konkomba, Gonja, Nanumba, Dagomba, Kusasi, Mo and the Sissala disputes of emancipation. It was revealed that major positive effects of the conflicts include improvement in the decision-making processes on community development issues, strengthening of inter-ethnic unity and helping to redeem the identity of a group. The destruction of life and property is the major demerit. It was recommended that civic education on the causes and effects of the conflicts by authentic participation of potential disputants could provide a more sustainable way of preventing conflict.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Elina Kilpi-Jakonen

This article explores a dynamic version of group conflict theory as an explanation for developments over time as well as regional differences in attitudes towards foreign workers in Finland in the period 1990–2013. In particular, it is argued that recent changes in potential for conflict are more likely to affect attitudes than are their levels. The results confirm this as it is both change in the rate of growth of the foreign population and possibly change in unemployment that tend to have an effect on attitudes, whereas the size of the foreign population and the level of unemployment do not. These change measures tend to have an effect at the national rather than the regional level. On the other hand, regional differences are not explained by any of the contextual variables tested. The data used at the individual level is a pooled data set (N=28,135) of 13 EVA Surveys on Finnish Values and Attitudes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu-Kang Lee ◽  
Chun-Tuan Chang ◽  
Zhao-Hong Cheng ◽  
You Lin

Recent research has suggested that materialism influences consumers’ usage of technological communication devices, especially smartphones. The current study contributes to this evolving research stream by examining more closely the dynamics of mechanisms that might potentially cause smartphone addiction. We propose self-efficacy and social anxiety as two underlying mechanisms and further test whether their mediating effects are consistent across people with differing levels of power distance belief (PDB). We also examine the moderating role of PDB at the cultural level (Study 1: China vs. the United States) and at the individual level (Study 2: Taiwan). The empirical data are analyzed using the parallel multiple mediator model proposed by Hayes. The results confirm that these two mediators explain the relationship between materialism and smartphone addiction. The mediating effects are stronger for people with a high level of PDB than for their counterparts with low PDB. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanghoon Kim-Leffingwell

How does an authoritarian past shape voters’ left-right orientation? Recent studies investigate “anti-dictator bias” in political ideology, where citizens in a former right-wing (left-wing) dictatorship may display a leftist (rightist) bias in their ideological self-identification. In this paper, I provide evidence for a “pro-dictator bias” where citizens hold ideological positions corresponding to those of the dictator depending on their experiences during and after transition. In countries with negotiated transitions and stronger former ruling parties, these successors could continue mobilizing the popular base of the former dictatorship with inherited advantages from the past and by invoking nostalgia through consistent reference to previous authoritarian achievements. I test this hypothesis with variables measuring successor party strength and the type of regime transition by combining individual-level survey data and country-level data. The findings emphasize the role of post-transition features in shaping alternative legacies on voter attitudes in former authoritarian societies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Geiger-Oneto ◽  
Travis Simkins

Using Social Identity Theory, this article explores the process by which a stigmatized consumption practice, namely recreational and medical marijuana use, has been gaining regulatory and normative legitimacy. An online panel (N=432) was surveyed about motivations to support the transition of a market from illegal to legal status from people who do not intend to directly participate in it. Consistent with Social Identity Theory, results indicated that that: (1) marijuana users reported a higher level of support for the legalization of medical and recreational marijuana than non-users; (2) status insecurity enhanced the level of support for legalizing medical marijuana among in-group members and decreased the level of support for out-group members (those not identifying with marijuana users). In addition, results suggested that non-users may engage in legitimation practices to benefit their communities rather than promoting individual level benefits. Overall, the present research provides a link between the micro level motivational processes of group members to support/oppose the transition of an illegal market to one with regulatory legitimacy.


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