Paid Domestic Work: Gender and the Informal Economy in Mexico

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgina Rojas-García ◽  
Mónica Patricia Toledo González

A consideration of paid domestic work as an aspect of the informal economy in Mexico identifies some distinctive features: a paternalistic view rather than a labor relation based on a contract, a reluctance on the part of the state to regulate this employment area, and a devaluation of this work as something largely performed by women who are poor and of rural or indigenous origin. The lack of social security is almost universal among paid domestic workers, and coverage is one of the principal demands of organizations formed in defense of their rights. Un análisis del trabajo doméstico remunerado como un aspecto de la economía informal en México muestra algunos rasgos distintivos: una visión paternalista por encima de una relación laboral basada en un contrato, una renuencia por parte del Estado a regular esta ocupación laboral, y una devaluación de dicho trabajo como algo que realizan en gran parte las mujeres pobres y de origen rural o indígena. La falta de un seguro social es casi universal entre los trabajadores domésticos remunerados, y su otorgamiento constituye una de las principales exigencias por parte de las organizaciones en defensa de los derechos de dichos empleados.

2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim England

This article explores the spatialities associated with the recent emergence of a social movement of domestic workers in the United States. Domestic work is rendered invisible, not only as a form of ‘real work’, but also because it is hidden in other people’s homes. The article unpacks the home as a private space beyond government intervention, and as domestic worker activists argue, when homes are workplaces workers should be protected from exploitation. Domestic workers have become active and visible in campaigns to gain coverage under labour legislation at the state and federal government levels. An analysis of the success of their campaigns reveals a set of strategies and tactics that draw on feminist care ethics in a range of different locations, and that thinking spatially has been pivotal in the emergence and continued growth of their social movement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-426
Author(s):  
Tanuka Endow ◽  
Rajarshi Majumder ◽  
Preet Rustagi ◽  
Nandini Mukherjee

A rise in female work participation in the urban sector creates a vacancy for care work at the household level and triggers a second round of job creation for females. In order to explore whether this process gives rise to decent employment for the female domestic workers (FDWs), a primary survey was conducted among domestic workers in the cities of Delhi, Noida, Kolkata and Asansol. The workers surveyed are, by and large, in low-wage, precarious employment, without social security and have an exhausting routine of work inside and outside the home. Apart from the lack of job security, sickness and disease also add to the uncertainty. Given the double burden of income-earning work and own domestic work, the FDW is crucially dependent on her health and strength, and often incurs health-related expenditure. But they contribute to their household income and have some autonomy in household decision-making. The informal working conditions for these workers, the need for social security and their low wage levels are all areas that need serious attention from policy-makers. Health insurance and pension plans would benefit the domestic workers, given that their work involves a requirement for robust health and the strength that youth brings with it.


IDS Bulletin ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paromita Sen ◽  
Aiman Haque

The Covid-19 pandemic and subsequent lockdown in India resulted in women informal economy workers being out of jobs and with no social security blanket to rely on. Women community leaders therefore worked with the state to reach out to the most vulnerable and marginalised populations. This resulted in decentralised units where decisions are made at the community level in a collective fashion including critical and diverse stakeholders, in collaboration with state authorities. This model works best where locally developed networks with high levels of community trust exist that enable community leaders to reach communities in distress quickly and effectively, ensuring that relief and aid is delivered to those who need it the most. Additionally, women coming together to advocate for themselves as women workers allows for us to build back better with a key focus on marginal populations such as women at the bottom of the pyramid.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 362-375
Author(s):  
Flávio Henrique Sousa Santos ◽  
◽  
Mireli Luzia Santos Sousa ◽  
Gilmar Antoniassi Junior

Introduction: Work is considered an activity to which people attach value and importance in their life, not only because it is related to their subsistence, but also due to their ability to promote social interaction in the daily life of relationships. Objective: To contextualize, from the state of the art, the scenario about women domestic workers. Materials and Methods: This is a qualitative, descriptive study of the state of the art in view of the scientific production raised in the literature with regard to the theme of women and domestic work. Results: Respectively, the writing was organized in three axes established when addressing women in the scope of labor relations, detailing the domestic profession and the views of health promotion and the quality of life at work. Considerations: The purpose here is to show that domestic work has undergone several transformations to get here, that there is still very little appreciation of this class, and respect for so many women who leave their homes in search of better lives and that in history of housework owes nothing that was not sweaty.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Margriet Kraamwinkel

In 2009, a small group of domestic workers joined FNV Bondgenoten, the largest Dutch trade union in the private sector and affiliated with the Dutch trade union confederation FNV. The group that joined consisted mainly of women immigrant workers, many of whom did not have a residence permit. FNV’s policy is that we organize workers and do not ask for passports. Still, a group like this brought to light several problems for FNV, both practical and fundamental. The Article identifies three types of problems. The first set of problems concerns the invisibility of domestic workers. Domestic workers work in private houses and are leery of talking to strangers if they don’t have residence permits. This demanded new organizing tactics from the sector, like asking women to bring a friend to a meeting and joining churches. A cash payment of membership fees system was devised, its administration done by handwriting. At the same time, the public debate on immigration toughened; immigrants without residence permits (“illegal aliens”) in particular were depicted as somewhere between a profiteer and the devil. This debate also took place within FNV. The second set of problems is defined by the traditional views in Dutch society on domestic work. The group chose to become union members, since they wanted to better their position in the labor market. Dutch law on domestic work excludes them from full protection of labor and social security law. The inclusion of domestic work in labor and social security law is contrary to cultural and historical traditions and views and therefore contentious. The third set of problems is caused by the connectedness of labor and social security law and immigration law. Domestic workers in the Netherlands work in the shadows in two ways: by not having a residence permit, and by not being protected by labor and social security law. The result of our campaign is that a group of publicly financed care workers will be better protected, but the group of domestic workers that fought for ILO Convention 189 will still be excluded from our labor and social security law and not be able to qualify for a residence permit.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 227
Author(s):  
Purnama Sari Pelupessy

<p>This paper discusses the situation of domestic workers (PRT) and the process of organizing domestic workers that has been doing by the author as a community organizer. The author, with a feminist framework, explores the history of the oppression of women attached to unpaid domestic work and the impact it has on domestic workers who are currently underpaid. This article also discusses the attitude of the state in viewing domestic workers as workers, as citizens and as women as well as the state’s reluctance to ratify the ILO Convention No 189 or ratify the Domestic Workers Protection Bill. The author uses her experience and knowledge in the labor movement and is enriched with the distinctive characteristics of domestic workers. This study concludes that efforts to change the working situation experienced by domestic workers need to be done by organizing domestic workers to have the power to urge the<br />state to realize decent work.</p>


Author(s):  
David Du Toit

The landscape of paid domestic work has changed considerably in recent years with the growth in the number of housecleaning service companies in South Africa and elsewhere. Housecleaning service companies transform domestic work into a service economy where trained domestic workers render a professional cleaning service to clients. In South Africa, little is known about the factors that employers at housecleaning service companies take into consideration during the selection and recruitment process. A key feature of paid domestic work is the gender, class and race constructions of domestic workers, the vast majority of whom are women, usually women of colour, from low socio-economic backgrounds. Whether we are seeing a change in the demographic profile of domestic workers with the growth of housecleaning service companies remains unclear. This paper therefore focuses on the recruitment strategies of employers at selected housecleaning service companies in Johannesburg in an attempt to shed light on the challenges that jobseeking domestic workers may face. Open-ended interviews with managers revealed that gender, race, age, long-term unemployment, and technical and personal skills of job-seeking domestic workers have a strong impact on the recruitment process, while immigration status plays a somewhat reduced role. This paper concludes that housecleaning service companies have not changed the demographic profile of domestic workers in South Africa yet, and that paid domestic work is still predominantly a black woman’s job.


Author(s):  
O. B. Berezovska-Chmil

  In this article theoretical and еmpirical analysis of social security are conducted. Ways of the optimization social security are argumented. The author notes that significant transformation processes are taking place in the country. They affect the state of security. It is noted that with the development of scientific and technological progress the number of threats and dangers does not decrease. At the same time, the essence of the phenomenon of "danger" is revealed. Empirical studies have been carried out on the basis of an analysis of problems related to ensuring the necessary safety of people. It is established that in recent times organized crime, including cybercrime, has spread widely in Ukraine. It has a negative impact on ensuring national security and sustainable development. A number of factors have been singled out. They are a potential threat to national security. Groups of possible dangers are determined. Summarizing the opinions of scientists, the essence of the concept of "social security" is characterized. It is emphasized that its state is influenced by the level of economic development, the effectiveness of social policy of the state and state regulation of social development. The authors have grounded the formation of national and social security, have proved that sustainable development is connected with the observance of social standards; have considered the development and implementation of a balanced social and environmental and economic policy. This policy would involve active use of the latest production technologies, minimizing the amount of harmful emissions to the environment, strengthening the role of the state in solving social and economic problems and sustainable development.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110130
Author(s):  
Rachel Elfenbein

Venezuela’s state-led national-popular Bolivarian process opened up a new political field for feminism—an approach that was both institutional and popular, aiming to combine forces from above and from below and use state gender institutions to foment popular women’s organization. Yet this field was conflictual, containing contesting popular feminist projects with different implications for the gendered division of labor. Analysis of popular women’s organizing around Venezuela’s 2012 organic labor law shows that state adoption of feminism marked a gendered political opening for popularizing feminism while also presenting risks of state co-optation of popular women’s organizing. The state understood popular women’s organization and mobilization as central to the revolution, yet it generally attempted to limit their autonomy and organizing to challenge the gendered division of labor. El bolivarianismo nacional-popular liderado por el estado venezolano abrió un nuevo campo político para el feminismo: un enfoque que era tanto institucional como popular y cuyo objetivo era combinar fuerzas tanto de arriba como de abajo, así como utilizar las instituciones estatales de género para fomentar las organizaciones populares de mujeres. Sin embargo, este campo resultó conflictivo, y parte de su contenido impugnaba proyectos feministas populares con diferentes implicaciones para las divisiones de género en el trabajo. El análisis de la organización popular de las mujeres en torno a la ley orgánica del trabajo de Venezuela de 2012 muestra que la adopción estatal del feminismo marcó una apertura política de género con intenciones de popularizar el feminismo a la vez que presentaba el riesgo de que la organización popular de las mujeres fuera cooptada por el estado. El estado consideraba la organización y movilización popular de las mujeres como esenciales a la revolución. Sin embargo y hablando generalmente, se abocó a limitar su autonomía y organización cuando se trataba de desafiar las divisiones de género en el trabajo.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-236
Author(s):  
Stephan Seiwerth

AbstractSocial partners have played a privileged role in German social security administration since Bismarckian times. In 2014, a new legislation empowered the social partners to set the level of the statutory minimum wage and to demand the extension of collective agreements. This article examines the interdependence of the trade unions’ and employer organisations’ membership numbers and their involvement in state regulation of labour and social security law. In case the interest in autonomous regulations is not going to increase, the state will have to step in with more heteronomous regulation. This would incrementally lead to a system change.


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