Revisiting Bolivian “Progressivism”: The Anticommunalism of the Plurinational State

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 148-162
Author(s):  
Huáscar Salazar Lohman

As the Bolivian government adopts increasingly conservative and authoritarian features, a policy meant to boost capitalist extractivism is becoming increasingly evident. This should be understood not as the end of a “progressive” government but as the consolidation of a new structure of state power sustained by an anticommunal stance that has involved a redefinition of the government’s alliance with the ruling classes and the systematic dismantling of the social forces that are now struggling to reappropriate political prerogatives in arenas of political organization unrelated to the state. A medida que el gobierno boliviano adopta características cada vez más conservadoras y autoritarias, se ha hecho cada vez más evidente una política destinada a impulsar el extractivismo capitalista. Esto no debe entenderse como el fin de un gobierno “progresista”, sino como la consolidación de una nueva estructura de poder estatal sostenida en una postura anticomunitaria que implica una redefinición de la alianza entre el gobierno y las clases dominantes, así como el desmantelamiento sistemático de las fuerzas sociales que ahora luchan por la reapropiación de prerrogativas políticas desde ámbitos no estatales de organización política.

2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-164
Author(s):  
Stephen W. Sawyer

For those attentive to the epochal shifts of globalization, the state has been either serving global capital or on its way out for decades. Neo-liberalism prones new scales of economic and political organization and the promise of a global civil society while international law ostensibly undermines the traditional functions of state power. The inadequacy of the state has found an equally sharp echo among populists who have reaffirmed democracy at the expense of a robust state. And in an odd déjà-vu, social scientists are once again pushing elsewhere: the state would seem at once the all-powerful protagonist of global finance or entirely insufficient for integrating popular power in our contemporary democracies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Conor McCarthy

While exclusion from law is often assumed to be an historical phenomenon, the discussion here argues that it is an enduring and important tactic of state power. Such exclusion can occur in two directions – exclusion above the law (as where the state licenses itself or its agents to act with impunity) or exclusion below the law (as where the state excludes an individual or group from the law's protection). This book concerns itself with both, and in doing so, offers readings from two bodies of literature in English not normally read in tandem – the literature of outlawry, and the literature of espionage. This Introduction briefly surveys some influential previous work in this area – in particular Eric Hobsbawm’s notion of the ‘social bandit’ and Giorgio Agamben’s idea of the homo sacer and his related study of the ‘state of exception’ – and sets out the argument to follow.


Author(s):  
A. V. Sokolov

The article considers the issues of librarianship management. There are three social subjects, determining its development in Russia: the state power, the social group of «librarians» and the social environment. There is shown the variability of this triad, using as an example the stages of history of the Russian libraries of XX century. Interaction between subjects of librarianship management is executed in the forms of: education, promotion and marketing. Implementation of forms depends on the type of library. There is studied the concept of library marketing and introduced specific details in its definition. The author concludes that in contemporary Russia there is only one social subject interested in the normal condition of library triad: there is the social group of «librarians».


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Αθανάσιος Μπαρλαγιάννης

This study is about the organization of public hygiene in the kingdom of Greece between 1833, when prince Otto of Bavaria ascends to the throne, and 1845, when the political and epidemiological frontiers of the kingdom are traced by a complete system of lazarettos and sanitary offices. We will firstly analyze the structures of sanitary prevention in the interior of the country (vaccinators, public health doctors, municipal doctors) as well as at its frontiers, and then we will focus on the measures against contagious diseases (such as the plague and smallpox) and against miasmas. We are also interested in examining the main diseases that determine the mortality of the period under scrutiny and the medical theories that explain the applicable sanitary measures. At the same time, we will review some of the aspects of the classical distinction of Erwin Ackerknecht between contagionism and miasmatic theory. Finally, we will study the difficult formation of an official group of medical professionals. The interest in public hygiene imposes the study of the biological construction of the state and, subsequently, of the state itself. Public hygiene defines the threats which it tries to prevent, and it creates and secures the collectivity. In the Police State of thecameralist king Otto, these developments are controlled by the bureaucracy, the administration, the public force and the science of medical police. Its purpose is to construct and order the public space, the space of state action, which is natural as well as social. This action of ordering imposes the centralization of health and at the same time it normalizes the natural elements and the social forces so that they can coordinate without resistance; in other words, the action of ordering pacifies. Medical police controls these processes by reconfiguring the ties that bind individuals with each other and with the geography, the nature and their diseases.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 30-35
Author(s):  
Tatyana E. Gryaznova ◽  

According to L.I. Petrazhitsky, the doctrine of the state should be based on the method of introspection (self-observation), as only it allows us to study the emotional and intellectual processes of the human psyche that determine individual and mass behavior of people, including their association in unrelated independent social unions, that include the state. The author considers that the main feature of the state is the presence of power, which interpreted as an emotional projection of legal emotional and intellectual experiences of individuals. According to L.I. Petrazhitsky, the means of legitimation of state power is the unity of emotional experiences of subordinate subjects that form the peoples’ legal psyche. Under the state, L.I. Petrazhitsky means the power-political organization of an unrelated social group, which is an emotional projection of solidary imperative-attributive (legal) experiences of subordinate subjects in order to serve the Law. The significance of this concept lies in the formulation of the problem of the legitimacy of state power, the interpretation of everyday consciousness as a source of external authorities that often prevent the realization and the demonstration of the rights and legitimate interests of citizens, the idea of the official nature of state power in relation to the Law.


Vojno delo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Ilija Kajtez

In the paper the author would like to explain why the concept of the social power is relevant for the state power, and why it is more appropriate for the military to talk about the armed force. Although he is acutely aware of the intertwining, reciprocity and closeness of the state power and the organization of the military, as well as the concepts of power and force, the author would like to emphasize their differences. It is not possible to talk about the power without the help and reliance on the armed force, and there is no armed force that does not view its meaning, task and goal in the state power. The military power can be independent only in short periods, but it immediately returns to the state power or the very military establishes the state power because it needs a source of legitimacy. What is the first and main rule is that we cannot talk anywhere about true power unless the one in power controls the armed force in his community, tribe, family, class, politics, state and society. It is simply impossible to imagine, let alone really happen, that the one who rules a community or society is not the supreme commander of the armed forces, as well. The main idea is to consider what are the inviolable spheres of the society in which politics should dominate, and where the best field of action of the armed forces is and how and in what way their relations, which are close, but often tense, are regulated.


2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Yanwar Pribadi

This article deals with the roles of kiai in Madura as both traditional and modern leaders. I will look at the principal ways in which kiai, who symbolize Islamic leadership, have characterized Islam and politics in Madura by arranging themselves in conflicts and accommodations within Madurese society. In doing so, I will portray two prominent Madurese kiai figures. I maintain that kiai in Madura are the main actors in state-society relations. They have become the social, cultural, economical, and political brokers in Madurese villages. Kiai with their pesantren and the Nahdlatul Ulama`s network have cautiously responded to state power by establishing multifaceted relations with the state; these are relationships that range from distancing themselves from the government to forming mutually beneficial relations with the state when the power of the state is too strong to oppose or when making alliance with the government is seen as a useful choice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yann Allard-Tremblay

AbstractI contrast two perspectives adopted to theorize political authorities. The first is the modern perspective. It conceives of political society as a civic union of free and equal citizens and regards the state as the political organization of this society. This perspective is primarily concerned with the principles that should govern the use of state power. The second is the political pluralist perspective. It recognizes a multiplicity of normative orders as equally legitimate. The focus is put on the civic processes by which a diverse citizenry should negotiate its interactions. I illustrate these perspectives by considering how they approach diversity, and more specifically the political claims of indigenous peoples. The pluralist perspective is argued to be normatively motivated by a consideration for the actual freedom of citizens to sustain diverse normative orders, to negotiate the structure of political society, and to jointly search for justice.


1923 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-596 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Deborah Ellis

It is impossible accurately to determine whether the more potent line of causation of the recent attack on the orthodox theory of the state is to be found in the field of the developing science of jurisprudence, or in that of practical experience, economic, religious, social, and political, inasmuch as both of these factors are so largely involved. There is reason to think, however, that the more important cause lies in the latter field. The conditions of modern life are changing so rapidly and are becoming daily so much more complex that to many the existing political organization no longer adequately expresses or reflects the social organization behind it. These individuals and groups have in consequence become so discontented with the present system that they have not been satisfied with suggesting new governmental forms and machinery, but failing in their enthusiasm to distinguish state from government, have undertaken in many cases to overthrow the very citadel of the state itself. Nor has the movement halted even at this point, for in this attempt not only has the attack been launched against the nature of the state and of sovereignty, through the calling into question of its two fundamental attributes, unity and absolutism, but the charge has been carried over into the realm of right as well, in the challenging of the right and the justification of the absolute sovereign state.


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