Is It Still a Mandate If We Don’t Enforce It? The Politics of COVID-related Mask Mandates in Conservative States

2021 ◽  
pp. 0160323X2110356
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Lyons ◽  
Luke Fowler

Questions of whether to enforce COVID-related mask mandates are complex. While enforced mandates are more effective at controlling community spread, government imposed behavioral controls have met significant opposition in conservative states, where a political bloc on the right is skeptical that COVID presents a significant and immediate threat. The authors conduct a split sample survey in order to examine how inclusion of a fine provision attached to mask mandates affects support. The survey was conducted in Idaho (a Republican dominated state) at a time when a mask mandate was a central debate. Unsurprisingly, respondents were more supportive of a mask mandate if a fine was not included. Further investigation indicates this is primarily a result of shifting Republican attitudes, which highlights the complex political situation in conservative states as leaders consider best mechanisms for battling COVID.

1997 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 177-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wilks

During the 1370s Wyclif wrote to defend a monarchy which made extensive use of bishops and other clergy in the royal administration and yet was faced with aristocratic factions encouraged by bishops like Wykeham and Courtenay who espoused papal supremacy, if not out of conviction, at least as a very convenient weapon to support their independence against royal absolutism. At first sight Wyclifs attempts to define the right relationship between royal and episcopal, temporal and spiritual, power seem as confused as the contemporary political situation. His works contain such a wide range of theories from orthodox two swords dualism to a radical rejection of ecclesiastical authority well beyond that of Marsilius and Ockham that it seems as if his only interest was in collecting every anti-hierocratic idea available for use against the papacy. The purpose of this paper is to suggest that a much more coherent view of episcopal power can be detected beneath his tirades if it is appreciated that his continual demand for a great reform, a reformatio regni et ecclesiae, is inseparably linked to his understanding of the history of the Christian Church, and that in this way Wyclif anticipates Montesquieu in requiring a time factor as a necessary ingredient in constitutional arrangements.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2(71)) ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Mykola Polovyi

The paper is devoted to the process and results of an analysis of abusing the right to freedom of expression for promoting pro-Russian propaganda in hybrid war against Ukraine at the present stage. It is shown that due to the peculiarities of the political situation in modern Ukraine, pro-Russian propaganda is most common in social networks. The study is conducted on the data from a weekly monitoring of pro-Russian propaganda in the Facebook public groups (‘publics’) of the Odessa region of Ukraine. Effective typology of propaganda messages in social networks is created and described. Its connection with the Lasswell’s test is grounded. General characteristics of pro-Russian propaganda promotion under the guise of implementing the right to freedom of expression in the Facebook publics of the Odessa region in the first quarter of 2021 are described. It has been found that the common tone of contemporary pro-Russian propaganda in Ukraine is becoming increasingly ‘soft’. The main group of contemporary pro- Russian propaganda messages are about the ‘shared past’ of Ukraine and Russia during the Soviet era, shared nostalgia for the ‘brave past world.’ ‘Soft’ promotion of the Russian information agenda and indicating Russian or Ukrainian pro-Russian media as a familiar source of information is the second huge group of propaganda texts. It is noted that both most popular ‘patterns’ of the propaganda can be considered propaganda only in the context of Russia’s undeclared war against Ukraine.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Klaarika Kaldjärv ◽  
Katiliina Gielen

In addition to many other functions, translating may (and often does) also have a national agenda. Such agenda determines what is going to be translated, how and by whom. Depending on what the national agenda might be, various questions of ethics come into play. Such questions of ethics may be reflected in the translation norms, they may be concealed but still have an important role in constructing the image of translators as well as the idea of what translations should be like. In Estonia, translation has been of pivotal importance among other things in the formation of the national canon and in developing the Estonian language. In addition to that, translation can be considered to be a means of implementing new ideologies as well as means of resistance. In the present paper, we will ask questions rather than try to answer them: What does ethics of translation mean in the Estonian cultural context? Considering Estonian translation history, can translation ethics be said to be dependent on a particular historical-political situation? And, who has the right to judge translations and the activity of translators?


2020 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerstin Potthoff ◽  
Aleš Smrekar ◽  
Mateja Šmid Hribar ◽  
Mimi Urbanc

The paper aims to analyse the characteristics and trends in pastoral farming, tourism and recreation in the Norwegian and Slovenian mountains and resulting landscape changes. These land uses and related driving forces have been scrutinised in the context of economic, social, and political aspects. While pastoral farming has a centuries-old tradition in the higher altitudes of both countries, interest in mountains for tourism and recreational purposes dates back only to the nineteenth century but has been increasing steadily ever since. The findings of the study, based on a literature review and secondary data, suggest that the social, economic, and especially the political situation in Norway and Slovenia have been different, but the development of mountains in both countries in the field of mountain pasturing and tourism and recreation has shared more similarities than differences, although nuances and specificities should not be disregarded. It is evident that mountain pasturing in both countries is sensitive to societal changes. Further on, we can infer the synergy and the right balance between it and tourism and recreation can be an opportunity for a viable mountain economic situation and would preserve the long traditions of cooperation between the two sectors. //   Članek analizira značilnosti in trende pašništva in rekreacije ter posledične spremembe pokrajine v norveških in slovenskih gorah. Spremembe v rabi zemljišč in z njimi povezane gonilne sile smo preučili z ekonomskega, družbenega in političnega vidika. Planinsko pašništvo ima v obeh državah večstoletno tradicijo, zanimanje za gore iz turističnih in rekreativnih vzgibov pa se je začelo šele v 19. stoletju, vendar se od tedaj stalno povečuje. Ugotovitve te študije, ki temeljijo na pregledu obstoječe literature in sekundarnih podatkov, kažejo, da je bil družbeni, gospodarski in še posebej politični položaj na Norveškem in v Sloveniji sicer različen, vendar razvoj gorskih območij v obeh državah izkazuje več podobnosti kot razlik, pri čemur ne smemo zanemariti določenih razhajanj in posebnosti. Jasno je, da na planinsko pašništvo v obeh državah vplivajo družbene spremembe. Prav tako je očitno, da sinergija in ustrezno ravnovesje med planinskim pašništvom in turizmom ter rekreacijo nudita priložnost za vitalno gospodarsko stanje v gorah in obenem omogočata ohranitev dolgoletne tradicije sodelovanja med obema panogama.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The presidential elections held in November 2020 in Moldova resulted in the victory of a pro-European candidate Maia Sandu. In Moldova the problem of determining the foreign policy course does not lose its relevance –confrontation between pro-Russian and pro-Western forces does not stop in the country. The main goal of the right-wing forces that came to power is to change the geopolitical vector of Moldova in favor of the EU and the United States. In the near future the Moldovan society is expected to change, and first of all in the field of integration.


Author(s):  
Abbas Fadhel Atwan

The recent developments in the region, especially Iraq and Syria, represented a historic opportunity for the Kurds, which made them an important player with international support and paved the way for partition and federalism. There is no dispute that the referendum is consistent with general principles such as the right of peoples to self-determination, Others with the Iraqi constitution and mechanisms of independence recognized, but it strengthens the position of the region in negotiations with Baghdad, has raised the date of a referendum on the independence of the Kurdistan region on 25 September 2017 And the political situation in Iraq and Turkey after the referendum of the Kurdistan region, As a result of the failure of each of them to agree to reject the results of the referendum secession of the Kurdistan region and the intensification of sanctions on the region, but also strengthened military and security cooperation between their countries after months of tension between them.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Howard

Readers of Hannah Arendt’s now classic formulation of the statelessness problem in her 1951 book The Origins of Totalitarianism abound at a moment when the number of stateless peoples worldwide continues to rise exponentially. Along with statelessness, few concepts in Arendt scholarship have spawned such a volume of literature, and perhaps none have provoked as much interest outside of the field of philosophy, as ‘the right to have rights.’ Interpreting this enigmatic term exposes the heart of our beliefs about the nature of the political and has important consequences for how we practice politics on a global scale because it implicitly takes plural human beings, and not the citizen, as its subjects. Arendt’s conceptualization of this problem remains unsurpassed in its diagnosis of the political situation of statelessness, as well as its intimate description of the human cost of what she refers to as ‘world loss,’ a phenomenon that the prevailing human rights and global justice discourse does not take into account. And yet, as an alternative framework for thinking about global politics, the right to have rights resists easy interpretation, let alone practical application.


Author(s):  
O. Stetsyshyn

The article is devoted to the activities of the militia created by the Jewish community of Lviv on November 1, 1918 after the proclamation of the independent Ukrainian state in this city. The aim of the militia, initiated by supporters of the Zionist movement, was to protect the Jewish community in Lviv from possible pogroms. Particular attention is paid to the military-political situation in Lviv in November 1918 and in the Eastern European region in general, which had a decisive influence on the establishment of the Jewish militia. Emphasised is also placed on the positive attitude of the Jewish community to the armed conflict between the army of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic and Polish formations who denied the right of Ukrainians to their independent nation-state and who expressed their claims to Western Ukraine. It is emphasized that de jure declaring its neutrality in this conflict, the de facto Jewish militia were forced to take a direct part in this confrontation. This Jewish militia formation controlled a very large part of Lviv's quarters, which was objectively beneficial for both participants in the Ukrainian-Polish conflict. Militioners patrolled the streets, fought crime, and ensured public order. The article describes in detail the three groups that existed at that time in the Lviv Jewish community – Zionists, Orthodox and assimilators, and the main differences in their policies. In particular, in relation to other nations that lived in the western Ukrainian region – Ukrainians and Poles. Special emphasis is placed on the positive attitude of a large part of Lviv Jews to the Ukrainian government and the negative reaction to this commitment of chauvinistic Polish politicians and soldiers, who did not hide their anti-Semitism and demanded from Jews non-alternative loyalty to Poland. It is noted that the more favorable attitude of Lviv Jews to the Ukrainian authorities was the cause of the terrible Jewish pogrom committed by Polish forces after the Ukrainian army left Lviv on November 22, 1918.


2021 ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Alexey Chernyshev

The Luis Arce’s victory in the elections of the 2020 in Bolivia, on one hand, could be perceived as an unexpected one due to an extremely adverse political situation for the Movement toward the Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo, MAS), but on the other hand it’s still understandable and attributable to some circumstances of the moment, as well as to some fundamental characteristics of the Bolivian society with its political culture peculiarities, complex social structure and the factor of the indigenous ethnic voting. The indigenous ethnic voting factor seems to gain more importance in the Andean region, if we consider the recent elections in Ecuador and Peru in the 2021. Moreover, the return of the MAS to power in Bolivia shall be analysed within the other regional phenomenon which is the strengthening of the left forces positions, contrary to the mid-2010s forecasts about the “right turn” in the Latin America.


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