The ‘authoritarian determinism’ and reductionisms in China-focused political communication studies

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 738-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tianru Guan

This commentary article posits the term ‘authoritarian determinism’ to describe a persistent and general problem with the current trend of China-focused political and communication theory, which emphasizes the centrality of the ‘repression-resistance’ axis in the formation of China’s political communication sphere, and identifies three related forms of reductionism (‘event-based’, ‘conflict-focused’, and ‘internally homogeneous’ perspectives) that characterize contemporary Chinese political communication studies. Based on this framework, this study examines how we might move beyond the abovementioned perspectives and rethink the relationships between the party state, various media actors’ representations of political issues, and individuals’ everyday civic discussions and engagements in contemporary China.

TASAMUH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-118
Author(s):  
Heriyadi Heriyadi

Communication-based on theory is very important, role theory helps get understanding and organize experiences. In theory, there are positions that play an important role in extracting information so that interpretations, judgments, and statements can be carried out easily. In addition, to reveal one's assumptions and characteristics, symbols and others cannot rely on a single perception, but must give rise to categories in a particular field that are determined by diverse space, time and types of scientific communication, including the theory of political communication , theory of interpersonal communication, intrapersonal communication theory, cultural communication theory, mass communication theory, and other theories of communication. The union between theory and communication must be in detail because in communication it is never separated from symptoms, phenomena, interactions and others that require interpretation. Thus the presence of theory in the realm of communication studies provides new colours and broader knowledge of the science of communication itself.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199953
Author(s):  
Paul K Jones

Political communication studies has a long tradition of ‘crisis talk’ regarding the fate of public communication. Now, however, the field itself faces a kind of existential crisis as its core assumptions of ‘normal’ political communication are daily undermined. This ‘liberal normalcy’ shares much with orthodoxies in populism studies, most notably a tendency to bracket out demagogic communication, both in historical fascist regimes and democracies. Yet correcting these failings is not simply a matter of rejecting liberal models for left-populist ones. Rather, both fields need to broaden their historical parameters and deepen their theoretical frameworks. The article draws on the Weberian conception of modern demagogy and its revision in the wake of 'modern media' by Shils and Adorno. It further argues that a critical reworking of Hallin and Mancini’s media systems approach could benefit both fields. For Hallin and Mancini’s socio-historical use of Weberian ideal-typification complements Worsley’s never-completed plan for an ideal-typification of modes of populism and demagogic leadership.


Author(s):  
Yifei Shen

The term “hot mum” (La Ma, 辣妈) has become popular in the Chinese media in the 21st century, being regarded as a “feminist” image of the modern mother, as it breaks with the stereotype of the traditional Chinese mother. Departing from a historical framework of motherhood and feminism, as well as western theories of subjectification and individualization, the article explores the discourses of hot mums in contemporary China. Based on an analysis of more than eight hundred articles in a Chinese database, this article explores the impacts of the image of the hot mum upon practices of motherhood among contemporary Chinese women. The findings show that the notion of the hot mum has been transformed into the concept of “all-around hot mums” who take care of both their families and their careers. It is argued that this process has not changed power relations between men and women, nor the roles of father and mother. Commercial and market aspects have turned hot mums from an initial expression of women’s subjectivity with particular maternal values into subjects of consumerism. The hot mum discourse is apparently contributing to the oppression rather than empowerment of Chinese women, let alone their increased sense of individuality.


INFORMASI ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-122
Author(s):  
Nkiru Comfort Ezeh ◽  
Augustine Godwin Mboso

The Social Media has emerged as a new platform for discourses. It has no doubt provided people with easier and faster accessibility to information and has become an outlet for them to share their views on socio-political issues. It has also been observed that negative and hate comments seem to dominate on social networks used for social and political communication. Anchored on Public Sphere Theory, focus group discussions were conducted with undergraduate youths in South-east Nigeria examined on the issue of President Mohammadu Buhari’s referring to Nigerian youths as lazy, while speaking at the Commonwealth Business Forum in Westminster on 18th April 2018. This article, therefore, explored the opinions advanced in the discourse based on the principles of freedom of expression and responsibility. The study suggests that while Twitter platform was more objective in the discussion of the issue of the day because it allows the use of filters to ensure that contents posted on the platform adhere strictly to rules and fair usage; Facebook and Whatsapp trailed with abuses and hate comments. The study recommended that owners of blogs and media houses who now post their contents on the social media should coordinate comments on such platforms and continue developing mechanisms that work to regulate the quality of posted content.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (22) ◽  
pp. 3-23
Author(s):  
Milica Vučković ◽  
Tanja Oblak Črnič

Social media are usually accused of being one of the major forces for personalization of ‏political communication and consequently for depolitization of recent politics. However, personalization ‏seems to stimulate certain users to pay more attention to political issues and to act more responsively to ‏such highly personalized political profiles. This article presents the results of a longitudinal analysis of ‏online presence of Barack Obama to assess his political communication through Facebook. It also answers ‏if presence of emotional appeals and private life cues in the posts have any effect on users’ responses in‏ terms of numbers of their likes, comments and shares. Based on a quantitative analysis of 2804 Facebook ‏posts, published in the period from 2008 to 2016, the results of content analysis revealed that Obama ‏used his Facebook fan page almost exclusively to communicate about political issues instead of his ‏personal life. The analysis also confirmed that a smaller number of posts, which contained emotional ‏appeals or cues from private life had significantly higher numbers of users’ responses than posts that ‏were not emotionalized or privatized. While personalization of Obama’s political figure is part of a wider‏ debate, this study confirms that the presence of private cues and emotional appeals stimulates greater‏ responsiveness from Facebook users.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Noviana Sari ◽  
Siti Mauliana Hairini ◽  
Muhammad Fadhil Murabbi Amin

This study aims to determine how the informal communication strategy is used by women to achieve their political position in government villages. The essence of informal communications is not to follow any specific rules and procedures. the studies of informal communications have remained the question cause there is not a clear form of informal communication. This study has been contributed to the women's informal political communication in Baliuk village to fulfill the gap of informal communication studies. There are three strategies that women used to dominate political representatives in Baliuk Village Government. First, the women have dominated the political issue in Village, second, women’s have dominated the informal channel, second women dominated the informal political communication channels, and the third, women have dominated the informal campaign for BPD’s election. The main factors from those strategies are how the women do the interpersonal conversation and how they made gossip in every aspect and access of communication itself for their political interest. The women have a concern about how to use an alternative way of communications to gain power in a political position, then they have to succeed dominated Badan Permusyawaratan Desa or BPD as the representatives' institution for village people.


Author(s):  
Aaron Louis Rosenberg

This chapter investigates the phenomenon of emigrant Zairo-Congolese musicians in Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania and their attempts to integrate into these societies through a variety of strategies that overtly and covertly employ political elements. Remmy Ongala, Samba Mapangala, and the members of Orchestra Maquis all spent time in one of these countries and shaped their sound and messages in these settings, politics being a significant part of their work. While political communication studies focus on structures, institutions, and the media, it is the case that in numerous African contexts music is an integral part of political understanding and participation. Drawing upon the works of scholars such as Michael Urban, Mark Mattern, and Uche Onyebadi, this chapter combines varied fields such as ethnomusicology, political communication, and cultural studies to provide a close understanding of these musical emigrants as well as an exploration of the social trajectories in their work over the course of the last half century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Greaves

Background  Established in 1849, the Fort Rupert coal settlement represented a departure in the Hudson’s Bay Company’s mode of colonial wealth accumulation on Vancouver Island. Company officials failed, however, to appreciate basic differences in the new mode of accumulation, including the importance of transportation to capitalist mineral extraction.Analysis  This article accomplishes three things: it retrieves foundational theories of transportation and commodity circulation once popular in communication studies, provides a documentary account of coal mining and the coal trade in the mid-nineteenth-century eastern Pacific, and articulates a theory of capitalist energy consumption.Conclusion and implications  The culminating theory of energy capital positions the extraction and circulation of fuel within Canadian communication studies through a transportation-focused approach to communication.Keywords  Canadian history; Communication theory; Energy; Marxism; TransportationContexte  L’agglomération de Fort Rupert établie en 1849 pour extraire le charbon sur l’Île de Vancouver représenta pour la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson une nouvelle sorte de colonisation axée sur l’enrichissement. Les dirigeants de la Compagnie, cependant, n’ont pas reconnu des particularités fondamentales relatives à ce nouveau mode d’accumulation, y compris l’importance de moyens de transport jusqu’au site d’extraction des minerais.Analyse  Cet article vise trois objectifs : il récupère des théories fondatrices, populaires jadis dans le domaine des communications, sur le transport et la circulation des marchandises; il fournit un compte rendu sur l’extraction et le commerce du charbon dans l’Est du Pacifique au milieu du 19ème siècle; et il articule une théorie capitaliste sur la consommation énergétique.Conclusion and implications  La théorie principale sur le capital en énergie positionne l’extraction et la circulation de combustibles au sein des études en communication au Canada en ayant recours à une approche centrée sur le transport.Mots clés  Canadian history; Communication theory; Energy; Marxism; Transportation 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document