Motives for ‘Disappearances’ in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay in the 1970s

1995 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang S. Heinz

The article looks at the motives of military governments in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay to introduce ‘disappearances’ as a new method to fight ‘subversion’ and thereby commit human rights violations. Five variables are taken as a point of departure, the country's previous experience with use of state violence, the selection of victims, the role of international public opinion, the selection of methods within the state and ideological factors. Among the key elements were in two countries the shift of responsibility for the use of violence to the military before the coup (except Chile), a lack of civilian control and influence in the formulation and control of internal security policies and an overwhelming, confused ideological definition in Argentina and in Chile (to a lesser degree in Uruguay) of the armed conflict as a war between good and evil and against World Communism which endangered the survival of the nation.

2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aurel Croissant ◽  
David Kuehn

Successful institutionalization of civilian control of the military is a necessary condition for the consolidation of democracy. This is particularly relevant for East Asia, where the military used to be a key player in the previous authoritarian regimes. This article analyzes the changes, advances, and setbacks in achieving civilian control in five countries that have made the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule: Indonesia, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. The empirical analysis is built on a conception of civilian control that distinguishes three areas of political decisionmaking: political recruitment and overall public policymaking, national defense, and internal security. The study shows that only in Taiwan and South Korea have civilians succeeded in curtailing military influence in politics. In contrast, in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, the military has shown itself more or less resilient in guarding its prerogatives in the postauthoritarian era. This seriously impedes the democratically elected authorities' effective power to govern in these countries and has led to democratic deterioration in Thailand and the Philippines. The article highlights three arguments to account for the profound difference between the cases: historical legacies of authoritarian rule and the path of democratic transition, the internal security role of the military, and the relationship between development and democratic consolidation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 439-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Mutro Nigo ◽  
Georgette Salieb-Beugelaar ◽  
Manuel Battegay ◽  
Peter Odermatt ◽  
Patrick Hunziker

Schistosomiasis is a neglected invasive worm disease with a huge disease burden in developing countries, particularly in children, and is seen increasingly in non-endemic regions through transfer by travellers, expatriates, and refugees. Undetected and untreated infections may be responsible for the persistence of transmission. Rapid and accurate diagnosis is the key to treatment and control. So far, parasitological detection methods remain the cornerstone of Schistosoma infection diagnosis in endemic regions, but conventional tests have limited sensitivity, in particular in low-grade infection. Recent advances contribute to improved detection in clinical and field settings. The recent progress in micro- and nanotechnologies opens a road by enabling the design of new miniaturized point-of-care devices and analytical platforms, which can be used for the rapid detection of these infections. This review starts with an overview of currently available laboratory tests and their performance and then discusses emerging rapid and micro/nanotechnologies-based tools. The epidemiological and clinical setting of testing is then discussed as an important determinant for the selection of the best analytical strategy in patients suspected to suffer from Schistosoma infection. Finally, it discusses the potential role of advanced technologies in the setting near to disease eradication is examined.


Author(s):  
Jori Pascal Kalkman

Abstract The domestic roles of Western armed forces are expanding. Although there is broad academic agreement that this trend is widespread, research on its implications has been relatively scarce. Here, I examine three debates that have emerged in the wake of expanding domestic military roles. They include: discussion on the origins of this trend between functionalists and politically-oriented scholars; its implications for civilian control and civil rights; and its effects on military-police convergence. This is followed by a call for more research on how the expanding domestic roles of Western armed forces relate to domestic civil-military collaboration, the management of military organizations, military visibility and reputation, perceptions of new tasks within the military, and the scale of this trend. A concluding section makes a case for drawing more academic attention to this phenomenon.


1998 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 209-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe

This article explores some textual dimensions of what I argue is a crucial moment in the history of the Anglo-Saxon subject. For purposes of temporal triangulation, I would locate this moment between roughly 970 and 1035, though these dates function merely as crude, if potent, signposts: the years 970×973 mark the adoption of the Regularis concordia, the ecclesiastical agreement on the practice of a reformed (and markedly continental) monasticism, and 1035 marks the death of Cnut, the Danish king of England, whose laws encode a change in the understanding of the individual before the law. These dates bracket a rich and chaotic time in England: the apex of the project of reform, a flourishing monastic culture, efflorescence of both Latin and vernacular literatures, remarkable manuscript production, but also the renewal of the Viking wars that seemed at times to be signs of the apocalypse and that ultimately would put a Dane on the throne of England. These dates point to two powerful and continuing sets of interests in late Anglo-Saxon England, ecclesiastical and secular, monastic and royal, whose relationships were never simple. This exploration of the subject in Anglo-Saxon England as it is illuminated by the law draws on texts associated with each of these interests and argues their interconnection. Its point of departure will be the body – the way it is configured, regarded, regulated and read in late Anglo-Saxon England. It focuses in particular on the use to which the body is put in juridical discourse: both the increasing role of the body in schemes of inquiry and of punishment and the ways in which the body comes to be used to know and control the subject.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-200
Author(s):  
Segun Joshua ◽  
Daniel Gberevbie ◽  
Kester Onor

Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria’s corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military’s unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices.


Author(s):  
Kristina Mani

The Honduran military has a long history of established roles oriented toward both external defense and internal security and civic action. Since the end of military rule in 1982, the military has remained a key political, economic, and social actor. Politically, the military retains a constitutional mandate as guarantor of the political system and enforcer of electoral rules. Economically, its officers direct state enterprises and manage a massive pension fund obscured from public audit. Socially, the military takes on numerous civic action tasks—building infrastructure, conserving forests, providing healthcare, and policing crime—that make the state appear to be useful to its people and bring the military into direct contact with the public almost daily. As a result, the military has ranked high in public trust in comparison with other institutions of the state. Most significantly, the military has retained the role of arbiter in the Honduran political system. This became brutally clear in the coup of 2009 that removed the elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Although new rules enhancing civilian control of the military had been instituted during the 1990s, the military’s authority in politics was restored through the coup that ousted Zelaya. As no civilian politician can succeed without support for and from the military, the missions of the armed forces have expanded substantially so that the military is an “all-purpose” institution within a remarkably weak and increasingly corrupt state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Engwall

The point of departure for this article is the principle of the separation of powers, formulated long ago by the Frenchman Charles-Louis de Secondat Montesquieu. It is argued that this principle is important for the governance of universities, entailing a balance between university boards, university presidents and university senates. To this end, the article presents evidence about the governance structure of two highly-ranked US universities, UC Berkeley (UCB) and Stanford University. It reports on board compositions, the selection of presidents and the role of academic senates. The conclusion is that the principle of the balance of powers (‘shared governance’ as it is called at UCB) has served the two universities well. Therefore, despite differences in other conditions, such as their endowments, other universities might benefit from the evidence reported.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-202
Author(s):  
Fait Muedini ◽  
Bryan Dettrey

This article investigates support for democracy after the overthrow of Egypt’s long-time President Hosni Mubarak. It specifically examines concerns prompting the protests and support for several democratic reforms in Egyptian governance. The results suggest corruption slightly outweighed the lack of democracy as a primary concern of Egyptians over the last few years. Specific democratic reforms such as a fair judicial system and the ability to criticize government receive significant support. Less support is found for equal rights for women and considerably less support for civilian control of the military. The article concludes with a discussion of how little support for providing civilian control over the military may represent an obstacle to a democratic transition. Democratic consolidations are more likely to be successful if democracy is “the only game in town”. 1 The role of the military in the ouster of Mubarak and now Mursi suggests the military has significant influence on Egyptian governance, with little support for altering this institutional arrangement.


Author(s):  
J.F.R. Boddens Hosang

This chapter discusses the various legal bases for the use of force, including national self-defence and the criteria for national self-defence, examining the law governing the initiation of the use of force, jus ad bellum. It also looks at the various command and control systems applicable to both the operations and the operational planning process. Further, it discusses the role of non-State actors in the context of national self-defence as well as the use of force on the territory of third States in the context of a non-international armed conflict.


2021 ◽  
pp. medethics-2020-107129
Author(s):  
Joschka Haltaufderheide ◽  
Stephan Nadolny ◽  
Jochen Vollmann ◽  
Jan Schildmann

Evaluation of clinical ethical case consultations has been discussed as an important research task in recent decades. A rigid framework of evaluation is essential to improve quality of consultations and, thus, quality of patient care. Different approaches to evaluate those services appropriately and to determine adequate empirical endpoints have been proposed. A key challenge is to provide an answer to the question as to which empirical endpoints—and for what reasons—should be considered when evaluating the quality of a service. In this paper, we argue for an approach that adopts the role of ethics consultants as its point of departure. In a first step, we describe empirical and ethical characteristics of evaluating clinical ethical case. We show that the mode of action and the explicit normative character of the interventions constitute two characteristics which pose challenges to the selection of appropriate quality criteria and require special attention. In a second step, we outline the way in which an analysis of the role of ethics consultants in the context of a clinical ethical case consultation services can account for the existing challenges by linking empirically measurable endpoints with normative theory. Finally, we discuss practical implications of our model for evaluation research.


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