Yugoslav Women in Politics

1985 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-354
Author(s):  
Tanja Rener

According to its normative principles, the delegate system ensures the working people's direct presence in the assemblies (communal, provincial, republican, and federal), as well as a functional linkage of short- and long-term interests of individual sections of society and of society as a whole. This lends special interest to women's participation in the delegate system. This article examines the findings of research conducted in Slovenia, particularly concerning the special social status according to women active in the delegate system, the nature of their participation, as well as their attitudes to active political participation. Now that Yugoslavia is undergoing a crisis, pressure is brought to bear on women to yield their places on the labor market to men and—although the principle of sex equality is given much prominence in the country's life—to concentrate on traditional women's roles.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cholpon Turdalieva ◽  
Medet Tiulegenov

This paper explores women’s participation in parliamentary elections in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. Using various methods, it offers an interdisciplinary perspective on factors that affect the likelihood of women participating successfully in parliamentary elections. This study supports the general literature on the effects of gender quotas and proportional representation, but its results on other factors are mixed. The factor of financial resources is significant, though its impact has been reduced with the introduction of gender quotas, while other factors—such as social status—may not be particularly important. The public perception of a woman in politics is not the greatest obstacle to women’s representation, and a female candidate’s professional status may often be attractive to party leaders.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 621-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Mussida ◽  
Dario Sciulli

Abstract We analyze the effects of Italian labor market reforms “at the margin” on the probability of exiting from non-employment and entering permanent and temporary contracts, using WHIP data for the period 1985–2004. We find that the reforms have strengthened the duration dependence parameter, meaning a stronger labor market gap in employment opportunities between the short- and long-term non-employed. We suggest that in a flexible labor market, long-term unemployment is used by firms as a screening device to detect less productive workers. We also find evidence of greater differences in employment opportunities according to gender, and of reduced differences between regional labor markets.


Author(s):  
Doris Buss ◽  
Jerusa Ali

Since the end of the genocide and civil war in Rwanda, various measures have been implemented to facilitate women’s political participation. This chapter looks to post-conflict Rwanda as a case study in the successes and limitations in efforts to increase women’s participation in public life. The chapter details the desired outcomes of increased political participation by women before turning to the Rwandan example. It argues that while the increased presence of women in public life has resulted in some positive economic, political, and social outcomes, the power of female politicians is largely limited and has not resulted in sustainable or equitable long-term policies. The chapter concludes that while Rwanda has formally adopted many of the international best practices of transitional justice, its overall gains in women’s participation are more uneven, contradictory, and nonlinear than is often recognized.


2008 ◽  
Vol 24 (10) ◽  
pp. 2396-2406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luana Giatti ◽  
Sandhi Maria Barreto ◽  
Cibele Comini César

This study investigates whether employment with no social security, as well as short and long term unemployment are associated with worse health among Brazilians. The representative study sample was taken from two National Health Surveys and included men aged between 15 and 64 who lived in one of the eight metropolitan regions of Brazil in 1998 (n = 31,870) and 2003 (n = 32,887). Both surveys showed that full and part time workers with no social security, as well as those in short and long term (> 12 months) unemployment had worse health indicators, regardless of age or schooling, when compared with full-time workers (> 40 hours/week) who had some form of social security through their employment. Hepatic cirrhosis was the disease most strongly associated with labor market status. Its prevalence was higher among individuals in long term unemployment and those with no social security. Labor market status was also negatively associated with the use of health care services, especially medical visits. The present study shows that the absence of social security at work, unemployment and length of unemployment, characterize heterogeneous groups of individuals in relation to health. Results reinforce the need to incorporate labor market status in research into health inequalities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000169932092091
Author(s):  
Limor Gabay-Egozi ◽  
Meir Yaish

Vocational and academic curricula are said to hold both short-term and long-term consequences for economic outcomes. The literature on this topic, however, fails to address the long-term consequences of educational tracking. Just as important, this literature did not examine returns to high-school tracking within levels of further education. This paper aims to fill these gaps in the literature. Utilizing longitudinal data of Israeli men and women who graduated high school in the late 1980s and entered the labor market in the early 1990s, we examine their earning trajectories throughout age 50 in 2013. The results indicate that for men without college degrees, vocational education provides pay premiums at labor-market entry. With time, however, these earnings’ premiums decline and diminish. A similar pattern characterizes degree holders, though the decline in the pay premiums is less steep when compared to men without a college degree. For women we do not find similar vocational effects. Taken together, our results indicate that the more substantial differences in earnings trajectories in Israel, among men and women alike, are associated with level of education and not with high-school tracks. The theoretical and potential policy implications of these findings are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Currie ◽  
Kathy Abernethy ◽  
Haitham Hamoda

Menopause is a major life event affecting all women in a variety of ways, both short and long term. All women should have access to accurate information, available in all forms and through all recognised sources. All healthcare professionals should have a basic understanding of the menopause and know where to signpost women for advice, support and treatment whenever appropriate. Every primary care team should have at least one nominated healthcare professional with a special interest and knowledge in menopause. All healthcare professionals with a special interest in menopause should have access to British Menopause Society Menopause Specialists for advice, support, onward referral and leadership of multidisciplinary education. With the introduction of the comprehensive British Menopause Society Principles and Practice of Menopause Care programme, the society is recognised throughout the UK as the leading provider of certificated menopause and post reproductive health education and training for healthcare professionals. Restrictions imposed by the coronavirus pandemic have been a springboard for the British Menopause Society to bring innovations to the services provided for our membership and for healthcare professionals throughout the UK.


Social Forces ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 849-884 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Nicole Kreisberg

AbstractLegal status is a growing dimension of inequality among immigrants in the U.S. Scholars have suggested that the legal status with which immigrants enter the country stratifies their short- and long-term opportunities for labor market integration. However, much quantitative immigration scholarship modeling the relationship between legal status and labor market integration treats legal status as static. In reality, immigrants change statuses dynamically throughout their lives. This article uses a dynamic conceptualization of legal status, as well as nationally representative data and regression and propensity score weighting techniques, to examine whether five initial legal statuses are associated with divergent labor market trajectories even after those statuses change. I find that initial legal statuses—which I refer to as starting points—are associated with ordered differences in immigrants’ occupational positions immediately after immigrants change status to lawful permanent residence. These differences persist over time. Five years after all immigrants share lawful permanent residence, employment visa holders maintain more prestigious jobs; immigrants with family reunification and diversity status are in the middle; and immigrants with refugee status and undocumented experience have less prestigious jobs. This article demonstrates aggregate, longitudinal patterns of stratification among a nationally representative sample of permanent residents. The findings suggest the importance of modeling legal status as a dynamic rather than static category to reflect the continued influence of legal status starting points on immigrants’ labor market integration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-54
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Kiplimo ◽  
Hellen Amunga

The most recent studies on women’s political participation demonstrate that women are consistently denied adequate space and a level playing field to participate in politics and governance, especially in many global south countries, unlike their male counterparts. These studies’ most dominant claim is that these contexts’ patriarchal cultural norms mainly limit women’s central involvement in such nations’ political processes. Based on this impediment system, it follows that these environments become more unpropitious, hostile, and insecure for women in politics, which opens up and perpetuates possibilities for all manner of harm to them. Because of such threats, several scholars, religious leaders, and women activists decry the underrepresentation of women in politics, which in their understanding, has contributed to prolonged systemic discrimination through a legacy of insufficient woman-centric legislation and policy interventions. There is a consensus-based claim among the majority of these actors that this kind of inadequacy continues unabated due to a siloed thinking that inhibits a joined-up approach in tackling such discrimination. This paper seeks to further explore this claim through a broad stroke integrated review of literature that deals with women’s political participation in Kenya, where the concept of traditional gender role beliefs provides a vital backdrop for conducting it. Based on this concept’s valuable terms of reference, it is concluded that women need to be accorded a more enabling environment to participate in politics and, in this way, ensure that their ascension to leadership positions in governance becomes tenable. It is anticipated that such an assumption will increase legislation, policy and other interventions geared towards safeguarding women’s general participation in politics. In light of such conclusion, it is proposed that groundswell support is needed to ensure that the creation of a conducive environment for women to be involved in politics is realized, and in this way, their disenfranchisement based on their limited participation in politics is tackled. 


Author(s):  
Ishaq Ahmad ◽  
Shahida Aman

This study aims to evaluate the religious and the alternate discourses on women’s political rights in Pakistan; such debates were heightened and intensified as a result of General Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization vision and policies implemented between 1977 to 1988. Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization is argued to have polarized women’s participation in politics and challenged the standing of feminist groups, Islamic feminists, and secularists, which made Islam and women’s political participation the subject of debates that are still relevant in the case of Pakistan. The paper argues that Pakistani state’s Islamic disposition in general and Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization in particular provoked religious conservatism and promoted gender-based discrimination that deeply affected women’s political participation. This study seeks to reconcile the different perspectives of Islamic and secular feminism for realizing the goals of effective participation of women in politics. The paper uses a qualitative research method concentrating on thematic analysis, which employs for identifying and analyzing patterns or themes within qualitative data analysis approaches. The findings suggest that in the case of women rights, Islamic feminism and secular feminism are compatible and complementary, and a synthesis of both is imperative to realize the effective participation of women in politics.


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