scholarly journals Disgust, stigma, and the politics of abortion

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 530-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuradha Kumar

Despite the growing body of research on the emotion of disgust – including its relationship to political ideology, moral judgment, matters of sex and sexuality, and death – the global reproductive rights movement has paid relatively little attention to the role disgust plays in the debate over abortion. By focusing on the right of a woman to make her own decision about an unwanted pregnancy, the pro-choice community has allowed anti-choice groups to define and frame the abortion procedure, abortion providers, and women who have abortions in terms associated with disgust. This commentary encourages further examination of what triggers disgust, its measurement, and ways of mitigating it, which could be useful for reducing abortion stigma, in future legal cases and in abortion research, advocacy, and communications.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-62
Author(s):  
D. N. Parajuli

 Reproductive rights are fundamental rights and freedoms relating to reproduction and reproductive health that vary amongst countries around the world, but have a commonality about the protection, preservation and promotion of a woman‘s reproductive health rights. Reproductive rights include the right to autonomy and self-determination , the right of everyone to make free and informed decisions and have full control over their body, sexuality, health, relationships, and if, when and with whom to partner, marry and have children , without any form of discrimination, stigma, coercion or violence. The access and availability of reproductive health services are limited due to geography and other issues, non-availability and refusal of reproductive health services may lead to serious consequences. The State need to ensure accessibility, availability, safe and quality reproductive health services and address the lifecycle needs of women and girls and provide access of every young women and girls to comprehensive sexuality education based on their evolving capacity as their human rights, through its inclusion and proper implementation in school curriculum, community-based awareness program and youth led mass media. It is necessary for strengthening compliance, in a time-bound manner, with international human rights standards that Nepal has ratified that protect, promote, and fulfill the basic human rights and reproductive health rights in Nepal and also need to review standards and conventions that Nepal has had reservations about or those that have been poorly implemented in the country.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 39 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 119-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hajrija Mujovic-Zornic

In this paper the author discusses the nature and importance of the right to reproduce, in particular the right to sterilisation. In the time past sterilization has been practiced only as a measure of penal policy or the prevention of mental health diseases. Today, mostly we can speak about the right to sterilization (especially reversible sterilization). The patient have a free choice to decide any method of contraception and that could be a voluntary sterilization (also called human, contraceptive, non-therapeutical in French law, and obliging in German law). Various legal questions about this right can be raised, in accordance of state of reproductive rights (how they are regulated by the law) and the protection of reproductive rights (especially the right of pregnant woman as a patient). Yugoslav law not yet has a complete regulation and adequate solutions in this area, except the abortion law. The primary gynecology care has contraceptive counseling, but concrete measures and education are insufficient. It cannot begin to give consistent answers to all of these questions without a coherent conception of the right to reproduce, which is the primary duty of legal experts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003329411989606
Author(s):  
Štěpán Bahník ◽  
Emir Efendic ◽  
Marek A. Vranka

When asked whether to sacrifice oneself or another person to save others, one might think that people would consider sacrificing themselves rather than someone else as the right and appropriate course of action—thus showing an other-serving bias. So far however, most studies found instances of a self-serving bias—people say they would rather sacrifice others. In three experiments using trolley-like dilemmas, we tested whether an other-serving bias might appear as a function of judgment type. That is, participants were asked to make a prescriptive judgment (whether the described action should or should not be done) or a normative judgment (whether the action is right or wrong). We found that participants exhibited an other-serving bias only when asked whether self- or other-sacrifice is wrong. That is, when the judgment was normative and in a negative frame (in contrast to the positive frame asking whether the sacrifice is right). Otherwise, participants tended to exhibit a self-serving bias; that is, they approved sacrificing others more. The results underscore the importance of question wording and suggest that some effects on moral judgment might depend on the type of judgment.


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 60
Author(s):  
Anna Miglietta ◽  
Barbara Loera

We analyzed the relationship between modern forms of populism and citizen support for exclusive welfare policies and proposals, and we focused on support for left-wing- and right-wing-oriented welfare policies enacted or proposed during the Lega Nord (LN)–Five Star Movement (FSM) government in Italy (2018–2019). In light of the theoretical perspective of political ideology as motivated by social cognition, we examined citizens’ support for the two policies considering adherence to populist attitudes, agreement on the criteria useful to define ingroup membership, and personal values. We also took into account the role of cognitive sophistication in populism avoidance. A total of 785 Italian adults (F = 56.6; mean age = 35.8) completed an online survey in the summer of 2019 based on the following: support for populist policies and proposals, political ideologies and positioning, personal values, and ingroup boundaries. We used correlation and regression analyses. The results highlight the relationships between populism and political conservatism. Populism was related to the vertical and horizontal borders defining the “people”; cognitive sophistication was not a relevant driver. We identified some facilitating factors that could promote adherence to and support for public policies inspired by the values of the right or of the left, without a true ideological connotation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Holly J. McCammon ◽  
Cathryn Beeson-Lynch

Drawing on social-movement and sociolegal theorizing, we investigate legal-framing innovations in the briefs of reproductive-rights cause lawyers in prominent US Supreme Court abortion cases. Our results show that pro-choice activist attorneys engage in innovative women’s-rights framing when the political-legal context is more resistant to abortion rights for women, that is, when the political-legal opportunity structure is generally closed to reproductive-rights activism. We consider reproductive-rights framing in three types of pivotal abortion cases over the last half-century: challenges to limitations on public funding of abortion, challenges to regulations that include multiple restrictions on abortion access, and challenges to bans on second-trimester abortions. Our analysis proceeds both qualitatively and quantitatively, with close reading of the briefs to distill the main women’s-rights frames, a count analysis using text mining to examine use of the frames in the briefs, and assessment of the political-judicial context to discern its influence on cause-lawyer legal framing. We conclude by theorizing the importance of the broader political-legal context in understanding cause-lawyer legal-framing innovations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Kost ◽  
◽  
Isaac Maddow-Zimet ◽  
Ashley C. Little

Key Points In almost all U.S. states, pregnancies reported as occurring at the right time or being wanted sooner than they occurred comprised the largest share of pregnancies in 2017, though proportions varied widely by state. The proportion of pregnancies that were wanted later or unwanted was higher in the South and Northeast than in other regions, and the proportion of pregnancies that occurred at the right time or were wanted sooner was higher in the West and Midwest. From 2012 to 2017, the wanted-later-or-unwanted pregnancy rate fell in the majority of states. However, no clear pattern emerged for any changes in the rate of pregnancies that were reported as wanted then or sooner or in the rate of those for which individuals expressed uncertainty.


Author(s):  
Asawari Deshpande ◽  
Shashikala Gurpur ◽  
Sujata Arya ◽  
Shireshi Shambhulinganand

The 2020 Amendment Act, of Medical Termination of Pregnancy has reinvigorated the discussion with regards to bodily autonomy and reproductive rights in India. This comes at a juncture of time, where the discussion regarding reproductive rights is an important part of the global socio-political narrative. The aim of this paper is to study the developmental trajectory of reproductive rights by gauging how the right to abortion has fared in various countries across the world by analysing specific legislations, judicial precedents and statistical data. We examine how one may secure the reproductive health rights of a woman better by analysing the two functional methods adopted thus far - either through liberal legislations that guarantee full autonomy to the woman or more restrictive laws that permit abortions only in certain circumstances - a major. The second half of this paper focuses on India, a country whose culture is traditionally perceived to be deeply rooted in orthodoxy and conservatives. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act was enacted in 1971, and the 2020 Amendment has garnered acclaim for its more progressive outlook and direction. Even though the amendment has addressed some of the major concerns voiced out by reproductive rights’ activists, there are still a few systemic and practical dogmas that are still pervasive in the reproductive rights domain. The paper discusses these prevalent lacunae at play at length and emphasizes on the need for comprehensive and quick solutions. These will contribute to the prevention of unwanted pregnancies while simultaneously reducing the physical and psychological harm that is caused to vulnerable women across the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Uche Nnawulezi ◽  
Bosede Remilekun Adeuti

The prospect of achieving sustainable reproductive rights protection in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria has remained an intractable problem. To identify and recognize reproductive rights, it is necessary to comprehend that reproductive right embraces certain human rights recognized in national and international laws, including international human rights’ documents. This paper examines the existing Nigeria laws on reproductive and health rights and ascertains the extent to which it has continually and predictably addressed the reproductive rights protection problem. There is a significant protection gap in the national human rights architecture. At the international level, among the poorer adolescent girls between the age of 15-19 years, it frequently results in early pregnancy and, of course, unsafe abortion. Thus, this gap relates in particular to questions on lack of access to family planning services. This paper argues that improvement of reproductive and sexual health goes far beyond the right to life and the right to health of women and girls. To guarantee Nigeria's reproductive rights, a more integral response to these critical human rights and development challenges can address Nigeria's protection gap. This paper adopts an analytical and qualitative approach by referring to existing pieces of literature achieved by the synthesis of ideas. This paper concludes that the adoption of a new approach to policies and programs on preventable maternal mortality and morbidity guarantees the right to attain the highest standard of sexual reproductive health in Nigeria. KEYWORDS: Reproductive Rights, Health Issues, COVID-19 Pandemic, Nigeria.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Fischer ◽  
Quentin Atkinson ◽  
Ananish Chaudhuri

This chapter provides an overview of studies that use incentivised experiments to study political ideology. We look first at studies that conceptualise political ideology along a unidimensional liberal-conservative spectrum and explore whether there are behavioural differences between liberals and conservatives. While recent studies find that liberals display more pro-sociality, many other studies find that liberals and conservatives display similar levels of pro-social, ingroup-biased, normative, and punitive behaviour. We then turn to experiments that study two-dimensional political ideology as embodied in the concepts of economic conservatism/progressivism (often measured with the Social Dominance Orientation scale) and social conservatism/progressivism (usually measured with the Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale). In such experiments, economic conservatives display lower levels of pro-sociality and universalism and greater tolerance of inequality and tendencies to harm outgroups. Social conservatives tend to display “groupishness”, including distrusting anonymous strangers, cooperating with ingroup members, following rules, punishing in the ultimatum game, and sometimes harming outgroups.


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