Towards a theory of illiberal dualisation? Conceptualising new employment and social policy divisions in Poland and the United Kingdom

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Thomas Prosser ◽  
Giga Giorgadze

Right-wing populist approaches to employment and social policy have become increasingly prevalent in recent years; such ideas stigmatise ‘others’ such as immigrants and the unemployed, while advocating the transfer of resources to favoured groups. In this article, based on a study of Poland and the United Kingdom, we contend that such developments are indicative of illiberal forms of dualisation and assess the relationship of trade unions with these processes. In conclusion, we discuss ways in which future investigations might develop more understanding of this concept.

1980 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 658-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shozo Takai

Forty-seven isolates of Ceratocystis ulmi collected from Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, and Iran were classified with respect to their ability to produce cerato-ulmin (CU) and synnemata, their radial growth, mycelial habit, and pathogenicity.Twenty-nine isolates clearly produced CU in a measurable quantity while 18 isolates produced it only in trace quantities. In general, the former produced fluffy mycelium and were active in synnemata formation. They were aggressive in pathogenicity with one exception. The latter group of isolates generally produced waxy, yeastlike mycelium and formed very few synnemata. They were all nonaggressive in pathogenicity. Radial growth was generally higher among the isolates that produced CU in larger quantities than among those producing CU in trace quantities. The relationship between CU production and pathogenicity affords a method for estimating isolate pathogenicity without the need for host inoculation.


ERA Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dolores Carrascosa Bermejo

AbstractThis article provides a general understanding of the main aspects of mobility (no longer referred to as free movement) and social security coordination, in the Brexit international agreements that govern the relationship of the EU with the United Kingdom: the Withdrawal Agreement (WA) and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA). The article shows that both topics, mobility (or migration) and social security coordination, were relevant to the origins of Brexit. Before analysing both Brexit Agreements, the article gives a comparative overview of them, considering their principal features and their relationship. The article then analyses the mobility and coordination of social security in each agreement from a practical perspective, giving examples and highlighting the significant differences in coverage that they generate for the different citizens included in their personal scope.


Author(s):  
Antonio Bar Cendón

Cuando estaba a punto de cumplirse el 45 aniversario de su ingreso en las Comunidades Europeas, el Reino Unido decidió salir de la Unión Europea mediante el referéndum de junio de 2016. Entre un momento y otro ha habido una relación difícil; relación que ha tenido una dimensión muy positiva para las dos partes, pero también una dimensión negativa. Este trabajo trata de describir y analizar cómo se ha producido este proceso de relación del RU con las CCEE y con la UE, desde la solicitud de adhesión del RU, en agosto 1961, hasta el comienzo de las negociaciones sobre la separación de la UE, en junio de 2017.Almost 45 years after joining the European Communities, the United Kingdom has decided to leave the European Union following the referendum of June 2016. Throughout its membership, the two have shared a difficult relationship and despite there having been a very positive dimension for both sides, it is impossible to ignore the negative dimension. This article intends to describe and analyse how this process has taken place and how the relationship of the U.K. with the EECC and the E.U., evolved since the U.K.’s first application to join the EECC was submitted, in 1961, until the starting of the negotiations for the withdrawal in June 2017.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-745
Author(s):  
Cristina Fernández-Rovira ◽  
Santiago Giraldo-Luque

Women politicians have been discriminated against or negatively valued under stereotypes in media coverage and have been given a secondary role compared to male politicians. The article proposes an analysis of the treatment given by digital media to women political leaders. They are from different parties in three countries and the aim is to identify the polarity (positive, neutral or negative) of the information published about them in the media. The text focuses on the cases of Anne Hidalgo and Marine Le Pen, from France, Nicola Sturgeon and Theresa May, from the United Kingdom and Ada Colau and Inés Arrimadas, from Spain. The study develops a computerised sentiment analysis of the information published in two leading digital newspapers in each country, during the month of November 2019. The research, with the analysis of 1100 journalistic pieces, shows that the polarity or valence of the women analysed is predominantly neutral and positive and that the journalistic genres do not determine the media representation of the women studied. On the contrary, the country of study does have a predominant incidence on the way in which women politicians are represented, while the relationship of affinity or antipathy of the Spanish media with the women politicians studied is significant.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-272
Author(s):  
Venelin Terziev ◽  
Preslava Dimitrova

The social policy of a country is a set of specific activities aimed at regulating the social relations between different in their social status subjects. This approach to clarifying social policy is also called functional and essentially addresses social policy as an activity to regulate the relationship of equality or inequality in society. It provides an opportunity to look for inequalities in the economic positions of individuals in relation to ownership, labor and working conditions, distribution of income and consumption, social security and health, to look for the sources of these inequalities and their social justification or undue application.The modern state takes on social functions that seek to regulate imbalances, to protect weak social positions and prevent the disintegration of the social system. It regulates the processes in society by harmonizing interests and opposing marginalization. Every modern country develops social activities that reflect the specifics of a particular society, correspond to its economic, political and cultural status. They are the result of political decisions aimed at directing and regulating the process of adaptation of the national society to the transformations of the market environment. Social policy is at the heart of the development and governance of each country. Despite the fact that too many factors and problems affect it, it largely determines the physical and mental state of the population as well as the relationships and interrelationships between people. On the other hand, social policy allows for a more global study and solving of vital social problems of civil society. On the basis of the programs and actions of political parties and state bodies, the guidelines for the development of society are outlined. Social policy should be seen as an activity to regulate the relationship of equality or inequality between different individuals and social groups in society. Its importance is determined by the possibility of establishing on the basis of the complex approach: the economic positions of the different social groups and individuals, by determining the differences between them in terms of income, consumption, working conditions, health, etc .; to explain the causes of inequality; to look for concrete and specific measures to overcome the emerging social disparities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Albano Gilabert Gascón

AbstractIn 2017, the majority of the United Kingdom Supreme Court held in its judgment in the Gard Marine and Energy v China National Chartering (The Ocean Victory) case that, in bareboat charters under the ‘BARECON 89’ form, if both the owner and the charterer are jointly insured under a hull policy, the damages caused to the vessel by the charterer cannot be claimed by the insurer by way of subrogation after indemnifying the owner. The interpretation of the charter party leads to the conclusion that the liability between the parties is excluded. Faced with the Supreme Court’s decision, the Baltic and International Maritime Council (BIMCO) adopted a new standard bareboat charter agreement only a few months later, the ‘BARECON 2017’ form, which amends, among other clauses, the one related to insurance. The present paper analyses (i) the new wording of the clause mentioned above and (ii) its incidence on the relationship between the parties of both the charter agreement and the insurance contract and its consequences for possible third parties. Despite BIMCO’s attempt to change the solution adopted by the Supreme Court and his willingness to allow the insurer to claim in subrogation against the person who causes the loss, the consequences, as it will be seen, do not differ much in practice when the wrongdoer is the co-insured charterer. On the contrary, when the loss is caused by a time charter or a sub-charter, in principle, there will be no impediment for the insurer to sue him.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062097802
Author(s):  
Todd K. Hartman ◽  
Thomas V. A. Stocks ◽  
Ryan McKay ◽  
Jilly Gibson-Miller ◽  
Liat Levita ◽  
...  

Research has demonstrated that situational factors such as perceived threats to the social order activate latent authoritarianism. The deadly COVID-19 pandemic presents a rare opportunity to test whether existential threat stemming from an indiscriminate virus moderates the relationship between authoritarianism and political attitudes toward the nation and out-groups. Using data from two large nationally representative samples of adults in the United Kingdom ( N = 2,025) and Republic of Ireland ( N = 1,041) collected during the initial phases of strict lockdown measures in both countries, we find that the associations between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and (1) nationalism and (2) anti-immigrant attitudes are conditional on levels of perceived threat. As anxiety about the COVID-19 pandemic increases, so too does the effect of RWA on those political outcomes. Thus, it appears that existential threats to humanity from the COVID-19 pandemic moderate expressions of authoritarianism in society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135910452110138
Author(s):  
Jacinta Tan ◽  
Gemma Johns

Background: Diabetes and eating disorders are frequently comorbid. This particular comorbidity is not only often poorly recognised, but is difficult to treat and has a high mortality. Method: In this article, we will briefly review the relationship between diabetes and eating disorders. We will review the current NICE and other guidance and reports concerning both diabetes and eating disorders in the United Kingdom. We will then describe the recommendations of the 2018 Welsh Government Eating Disorder Service Review and the 2021 the Scottish Government Eating Disorder Service Review regarding diabetes and eating disorders, which will lead to service change. Conclusions: We conclude that this is a relatively underdeveloped but important area where there needs to be further service development and more collaboration between diabetes and eating disorder services.


1980 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Gould ◽  
Barbara Roweth

ABSTRACTThis article, in which we examine developments in public expenditure on social policy in relation to total public spending in the United Kingdom (UK) in the period after the Second World War, is part of a larger international study on developments in social welfare spending on which we are currently engaged.In Section 1 we briefly sketch in the theoretical background to the study of public expenditure growth in general and social welfare spending in particular. We shall not in this article attempt to evaluate the validity of the competing hypotheses – this exercise is in hand as part of the international study, and we shall report the findings at a later date. Section 2 examines the growth of public expenditure in the UK at the aggregate level. In Section 3 we analyse public expenditure at the individual programme level and in Section 4 we summarize the conclusions.


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