Identifying Antecedents of the Strategic Game Frame

2013 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela V. Dimitrova ◽  
Petia Kostadinova

Although election news framing is a burgeoning area of research, empirical studies of what factors influence frame building remain rare, especially in non-Western countries. This study investigates the use of the strategic game frame and the relationship between that frame and system-level and organizational-level factors. The analysis focuses on the coverage of campaign news in six elite Bulgarian newspapers between 1990 and 2009. Results show that the type of electoral system, number of parties in government, and newspaper specialization are significant predictors of game frame use. The results are discussed in relation to framing research in Western Europe and the United States.

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 396
Author(s):  
Jamie Lynn Goodwin ◽  
Andrew Lloyd Williams ◽  
Patricia Snell Herzog

Since 2010, scholars have made major contributions to cross-cultural research, especially regarding similarities and differences across world regions and countries in people’s values, beliefs, and morality. This paper accumulates and analyzes extant multi-national and quantitative studies of these facets of global culture. The paper begins with a summary of the modern history of cross-cultural research, then systematically reviews major empirical studies published since 2010, and next analyzes extant approaches to interpret how the constructs of belief, morality, and values have been theorized and operationalized. The analysis reveals that the field of cross-cultural studies remains dominated by Western approaches, especially studies developed and deployed from the United States and Western Europe. While numerous surveys have been translated and employed for data collection in countries beyond the U.S. and Western Europe, several countries remain under-studied, and the field lacks approaches that were developed within the countries of interest. The paper concludes by outlining future directions for the study of cross-cultural research. To progress from the colonialist past embedded within cross-cultural research, in which scholars from the U.S. and Western Europe export research tools to other world regions, the field needs to expand to include studies locally developed and deployed within more countries and world regions.


Author(s):  
Jesper Strömbäck ◽  
Adam Shehata

Political journalism constitutes one of the most prominent domains of journalism, and is essential for the functioning of democracy. Ideally, political journalism should function as an information provider, watchdog, and forum for political discussions, thereby helping citizens understand political matters and help prevent abuses of power. The extent to which it does is, however, debated. Apart from normative ideals, political journalism is shaped by factors at several levels of analysis, including the system level, the media organizational level, and the individual level. Not least important for political journalism is the close, interdependent, and contentious relationship with political actors, shaping both the processes and the content of political journalism. In terms of content, four key concepts in research on political journalism in Western democratic systems are the framing of politics as a strategic game, interpretive versus straight news, conflict framing and media negativity, and political or partisan bias. A review of research related to these four concepts suggests that political journalism has a strong tendency to frame politics as a strategic game rather than as issues, particularly during election campaigns; that interpretive journalism has become more common; that political journalism has a penchant for conflict framing and media negativity; and that there is only limited evidence that political journalism is influenced by political or partisan bias. Significantly more important than political or partisan bias are different structural and situational biases. In all these and other respects, there are important differences across countries and media systems, which follows from the notion that political journalism is always influenced by the media systems in which it is produced and consumed.


Significance After years of being on the losing end of an electoral system crafted by ruling Fidesz to favour large, unitary blocs, the opposition is marching towards unity. Although Fidesz’s path to victory in 2022 is still wider than that of the opposition, whoever wins, the era of stability that began in 2010 will end next year. Impacts A sharp fall in political stability and predictability will put strong downward pressure on the forint and raise borrowing costs from 2022. Orban’s weakening would spell the end of Central Europe’s Eurosceptic pole, and reduce opposition to Franco-German EU integration efforts. The United States and Western Europe will ramp up criticism of Orban and indirect support for the opposition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 006-026
Author(s):  
Rustem M. Nureev ◽  
◽  
Islam D. Surkhaev ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of social networks, the role of which is constantly growing in the context of the digitalization of the economy. The Internet has become an important prerequisite for their spread. If at the beginning of 1990, even in the most developed countries, less than 1% of the population used the Internet, then by 2020 the level of its prevalence in North America and Western Europe exceeded 90%, and in the countries of East, Southeast and West Asia, and Latin America has exceeded 2/3. We live in a rapidly changing world, when the number of active Internet users exceeded 4.66 billion people in early 2021. The speed of obtaining information is currently an important factor in economic activity. Therefore, contacts are growing rapidly, which is reflected in e-mail, which has become an integral part of modern life, pushing far back other forms of communication (newspapers, mail, telegraph, etc.). The rapid acceleration of conflicting information increases the risk of decision-making, many of which must be made in the face of uncertainty. With the growth of social networks, the density of contacts increases and the importance of a fuller use of network benefits increases. Not only is the number of participants changing, but so is the quantity and quality of the most popular websites. Citizens of modern states are more informed than their previous generations. Conducting an electoral system under such conditions turns out to be a task with many unknowns. In these conditions, voting manipulation takes on new features, which were clearly manifested during the American presidential campaigns in the United States in 2008, 2012, 2016. In addition, opportunities are being created to improve the quality of public finance management by increasing the openness of budgeting at the federal and regional levels, that is, the actual implementation of the Vernon Smith auction in practice, which will be an important step in the formation of a genuine civil society.


Journalism ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 604-619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela V Dimitrova ◽  
Jesper Strömbäck

This study compares election news coverage in two different countries – Sweden and the United States, focusing on the use of the strategic game frame and the conflict frame and the association between these two frames and different types of news sources. The content analysis includes early evening newscasts from CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News and ABC World News in the USA and Rapport, Aktuellt and TV4 Nyheterna in Sweden. The findings show that the strategic game frame is used more frequently in the US coverage and is correlated with the use of media analysts and campaign operatives in both countries. Ordinary citizens as sources contribute to issue framing while domestic political actors tend to be associated with conflict framing. Differences in media framing between public and private media are also identified and discussed in the context of national political and media systems.


2020 ◽  
pp. 102-131
Author(s):  
Lori Thorlakson

This chapter examines two forms of integrated politics at the party system level, party system congruence and party system nationalization. Drawing on data from over 2,220 subnational elections in seven multi-level systems, it assesses three forms of party system congruence across the units of a multi-level system: similarity of the number of parties, electoral support, and similarity of the magnitude and direction of the electoral swing. Using the index of cumulative regional inequality (CRI), it measures the territorial concentration of party systems. The analysis shows that fiscal centralization and administrative interdependence predict integrated politics in the form of more congruent patterns of electoral support. There are limits to the institutional explanation. The electoral system and social cleavage structure are important explanations of variation in party system structures and territorial concentration.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-217
Author(s):  
Mir Annice Mahmood

Foreign aid has been the subject of much examination and research ever since it entered the economic armamentarium approximately 45 years ago. This was the time when the Second World War had successfully ended for the Allies in the defeat of Germany and Japan. However, a new enemy, the Soviet Union, had materialized at the end of the conflict. To counter the threat from the East, the United States undertook the implementation of the Marshal Plan, which was extremely successful in rebuilding and revitalizing a shattered Western Europe. Aid had made its impact. The book under review is by three well-known economists and is the outcome of a study sponsored by the Department of State and the United States Agency for International Development. The major objective of this study was to evaluate the impact of assistance, i.e., aid, on economic development. This evaluation however, was to be based on the existing literature on the subject. The book has five major parts: Part One deals with development thought and development assistance; Part Two looks at the relationship between donors and recipients; Part Three evaluates the use of aid by sector; Part Four presents country case-studies; and Part Five synthesizes the lessons from development assistance. Part One of the book is very informative in that it summarises very concisely the theoretical underpinnings of the aid process. In the beginning, aid was thought to be the answer to underdevelopment which could be achieved by a transfer of capital from the rich to the poor. This approach, however, did not succeed as it was simplistic. Capital transfers were not sufficient in themselves to bring about development, as research in this area came to reveal. The development process is a complicated one, with inputs from all sectors of the economy. Thus, it came to be recognized that factors such as low literacy rates, poor health facilities, and lack of social infrastructure are also responsible for economic backwardness. Part One of the book, therefore, sums up appropriately the various trends in development thought. This is important because the book deals primarily with the issue of the effectiveness of aid as a catalyst to further economic development.


Author(s):  
Cynthia McClintock

During Latin America’s third democratic wave, a majority of countries adopted a runoff rule for the election of the president. This book is the first rigorous assessment of the implications of runoff versus plurality for democracy in the region. Despite previous scholarly skepticism about runoff, it has been positive for Latin America, and could be for the United States also. Primarily through qualitative analysis for each Latin American country, I explore why runoff is superior to plurality. Runoff opens the political arena to new parties but at the same time ensures that the president does not suffer a legitimacy deficit and is not at an ideological extreme. By contrast, in a region in which undemocratic political parties are common, the continuation of these parties is abetted by plurality; political exclusion provoked disillusionment and facilitated the emergence of presidents at ideological extremes. In regression analysis, runoff was statistically significant to superior levels of democracy. Between 1990 and 2016, Freedom House and Varieties of Democracy scores plummeted in countries with plurality but improved in countries with runoff. Plurality advocates’ primary concern is the larger number of political parties under runoff. Although a larger number of parties was not significant to inferior levels of democracy, a plethora of parties is problematic, leading to a paucity of legislative majorities and inchoate parties. To ameliorate the problem, I recommend not reductions in the 50% threshold but the scheduling of the legislative election after the first round or thresholds for entry into the legislature.


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