Chilean Television: A Case Study of Political Communication

1974 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil P. Hurley
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Ryan Cheek

Building on the work of technical communication scholars concerned with social justice and electoral politics, this article examines the Coray for Congress (1994) campaign as a case study to argue in support of a more formal disciplinary commitment to political technical communication (PxTC). Specifically, I closely analyze the ideographic communication design of pre-digital PxTC artifacts from the campaign archive. The type of pre-digital political communication design products analyzed in this article are ubiquitous even today. The implications of four dominant ideographs are analyzed in this case study: <jobs>, <communities>, <families>, and <"see PDF">. Key takeaways for PxTC practitioners, educators, and scholars are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Khoirul Mushthofa Misyuniarto

This study examines the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai as a boarding school caretaker in the General Election. The purpose of this study is to describe the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai Syafik Rofi'i, caretaker of the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Islamic Boarding School in Bangkalan Regency, East Java Province in the 2019 General Election. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy being implemented was political negotiation among kiai in Islamic boarding schools in Bangkalan Regency. In addition, political communication uses the strategy of a campaign winning team or success team, and also uses the media as a channel for delivering messages to provide understanding and influence public opinion.


Author(s):  
Jounadi Kaseem ◽  
Aish Zhain ◽  
Kduoh Al Deen

This study discusses political communication and cultural approach in handling the Covid-19 pandemic. Existing cases are taken into account along in the discussion of this paper to illustrate how measures like communication by political figure influence the Covid-19 mitigation. The cultural relevance of the COVID-19 community engagement message is critical to its effectiveness. Culture-insensitive communication may be seen in the COVID-19 case study as well as in the Ebola information being communicated. It is nevertheless important to recognize that a culture's collection of signals regarding life experience may range from positive behaviours that should be promoted to negative practices that should be addressed


2015 ◽  
pp. 1488-1507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Takavarasha, Jr. ◽  
Eldred V. Masunungure

This chapter uses Illich's (1973) concept of conviviality for analysing the challenges and opportunities of using email for political communication in authoritarian states. Based on evidence from a case study of Zimbabwe's Media Monitoring Project (MMPZ), it contends that while conviviality allows the use of ICTs for political mobilisation, it also enables a counterproductive “big brother” effect. In addition to constant censorship and overt operations, covert strategies are often used for disrupting communication platforms. This calls for a framework for harnessing ICTs for political mobilisation. This chapter is a case study on how perceived state surveillance disrupted a vibrant communicative space in Zimbabwe. Based on evidence from the volumes of email traffic transacted over two weeks of panic, anger, and heroism, the chapter discusses the challenges and opportunities of using email for political mobilisation and warns against uncritical celebration of the role of ICTs in political mobilisation. It concludes by suggesting how the adaption of e-strategies from email marketing to political communication is among the skills that could break the tie between political opponents armed with the same convivial tools for political communication in the information age.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Usha M. Rodrigues ◽  
Michael Niemann

Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) is one of the world's most followed political leaders on Twitter. During the 2014 and 2019 election campaigns, he and his party used various social media networking and the Internet services to engage with young, educated, middle-class voters in India. Since his first sweeping win in the 2014 elections, Modi's political communication strategy has been to neglect the mainstream news media, and instead use social media and government websites to keep followers informed of his day-to-day engagements and government policies. This strategy of direct communication was followed even during a critical policy change, when in a politically risky move half-way through his five-year prime ministership, Modi's government scrapped more than 85 per cent of Indian currency notes in November 2016. He continued to largely shun the mainstream media and use his social media accounts and public rallies to communicate with the nation. As a case study of this direct communication strategy, this article presents the results of a study of Modi's Twitter articulations during the three months following the demonetization announcement. We use mediatization of politics discourse to consider the implications of this shift from mass communication via the mainstream news media, to the Indian prime minister's reliance on direct communication on social media platforms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 282-298
Author(s):  
Lars Nord ◽  
Marie Grusell

Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the “hybrid” channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture.


REPRESENTAMEN ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beta Puspitaning Ayodya

Simultaneous elections will be held in Indonesia in 2018, one of which is theGovernor Election (Pilgub) of East Java to replace Pak Karwo and Gus Ipul. Candidateswho will compete in this East Java Pilgub are Gus Ipul (as incumbent), and Khofifah(formerly a social minister). Both candidates are both from the largest mass organization inEast Java, namely Nahdltul Ulama (NU). In relation to this background, the author wouldlike to examine about how Gus Ipul's political capital and strategy of communication in EastJava Pilgub 2018. This study uses case study because want to answer about how (how) in theformulation of research. By using different political communication strategies, of course theresults achieved by both candidates will be different. Gus Ipul used a defensive strategy tomaintain his position as an incumbent. By using his capital-capital (economic, social,cultural and symbolic) conversion, Gus Ipul seeks to mobilize the masses, most of whom areNU citizens. Conversion of existing capital into a political capital, allowing Gus Ipul toachieve victory in this 2018 East Java Pilgub.Keywords: capital, political strategy


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Sinta Paramita

Kali Jodo, which located in West Jakarta region, was famous for localization area. Negative impression attached to Kali Jodo progressively disappeared after the 17th Jakarta Governor inaugurated the Children-Friendly Integrated Space (RPTRA) of Kali Jodo on 2nd of February, 2017. The resilient political changes in the Jakarta Governor Election period of 2017 instantaneously bring changes to the function of Kali Jodo recreational place became a political space. From the case above, this paper will review on how political communication that occurred from the function alternation of recreation place into political space. The approach utilized in this research is qualitative case study. The result of this research is the function alternation from localization to recreation brought positive impact for the surrounding society. Yet, along with the political development of Jakarta Governor Election, Kali Jodo actually becomes a political contest space for political actors to attract public sympathy that ultimately create a mute community.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-48
Author(s):  
Carla Hoetink ◽  
Harm Kaal

If parliament is anything, it is an institution where speech acts define politics. It should therefore come as no surprise that political historians have devoted most of their attention to parliamentary debate and decision- making, whereas the materiality of parliamentary debate has only recently entered their purview. Building on these recent approaches, this article offers an analysis of the material culture of the Dutch parliament in the post-war years. Three angles of materiality are explored: the building in which the Second Chamber houses; the objects present in plenary hall; and finally, the objects used as ‘props’ in parliamentary performances. Through the use of the notion of ‘performances’ or ‘practices’ of speaking, debating and acting in parliament, the aim is to acquire a better grasp of how these ‘things’ have impinged on political communication.


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