Evolution of manifestos in a developing parliamentary democracy with proportional representation and multiparty coalition governments

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 296-306
Author(s):  
Samo Kropivnik ◽  
Simona Kustec Lipicer
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Further Development ◽  
Issue Emphasis

In exploring the first two decades of evolution of political programmes applied for the electoral processes in Slovenia, a young European multiparty parliamentary democracy with a proportional electoral system and multiparty government coalitions, the article contributes to a rich tradition of studying the programmes of political parties as relevant narrators of the development of democratic systems and suggests an answer to ‘why do parties write manifestos?’ The main findings include the distinct issue emphasis of parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties’ manifestos and convergence in issue emphasis over time among parliamentary parties who go on to form coalition governments. Regarding the ‘why’, these and other findings indicate that the manifestos considered here are intended more for post-election purposes – in particular, for the formation of alliances and negotiating and running a coalition government – than for attracting voters in the pre-election period. Party programmes are seen more as self-intended tools for political struggle than as promoters or control mechanisms for the further development of the democratic political system.

scholarly journals Israeli Politics

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gideon Rahat ◽  
Avi Shilon
Keyword(s):  
Jewish Community ◽  
Political System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The State ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Zionist Movement ◽  
Multiparty Politics

Israel is a parliamentary democracy that was established in 1948. However, the foundations of its political system were laid before the state was established, in the framework of the Zionist movement and the Jewish community in Palestine, especially at the time of the British Mandate (1920–1948). Israel is a multi-cleavage society. The main rift is between Jews (about 75 percent of the population, as of 2019) and Arab/Palestinian citizens (about 20 percent). Prominent rifts also exist among the Jews: the religious–secular rift, the intra-Jewish communal rift (Ashkenazi-Mizrachi), the ideological rift (left-right), and the rift between new and veteran immigrants and the natives. Partly as a result of the highly proportional electoral system, these social rifts are translated into multiparty politics and coalition governments.

scholarly journals EXPRESS: Political parties and organization studies: The party as a critical case of organizing

2021 ◽  
pp. 017084062110109
Author(s):  
Emil Husted ◽  
Mona Moufahim ◽  
Martin Fredriksson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Political System ◽  
Affective Commitment ◽  
Critical Case ◽  
Organizational Dynamics ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Progressive Change ◽  
Organization Studies ◽  
Organization And Management

Organization scholars have extensively studied both the politics of organization and the organization of politics. Contributing to the latter, we argue for further and deeper consideration of political parties, since: (1) parties illuminate organizational dynamics of in- and exclusion; (2) internal struggles related to the constitution of identities, practices, and procedures are accentuated in parties; (3) the study of parties allow for the isolation of processes of normative and affective commitment; (4) parties prioritize and intensify normative control mechanisms; (5) party organizing currently represents an example of profound institutional change, as new (digital) formations challenge old bureaucratic models. Consequently, we argue that political parties should be seen as ‘critical cases’ of organizing, meaning that otherwise commonplace phenomena are intensified and exposed in parties. This allows researchers to use parties as magnifying glasses for zooming-in on organizational dynamics that may be suppressed or concealed by the seemingly non-political façade of many contemporary organizations. In conclusion, we argue that organization scholars are in a privileged position to investigate how political parties function today and how their democratic potential can be improved in the future. To this end, we call on Organization and Management Studies to engage actively with alternative parties in an attempt to explore and promote progressive change within the formal political system.

Slovenia

2019 ◽  
pp. 475-521
Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Tomaž Krpič
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Dropping Out ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
The Government

Under the proportional representation (PR) electoral system in Slovenia, after elections, coalition governments have formed. However, the coalition partners have also adopted a ‘dropping out from government’ strategy between elections, which in some cases has led to minority governments. This has occurred despite a frequent use of several conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution mechanisms. One such mechanism, coalition agreements, are mostly understood in terms of policy agreements. After each election in the period 1992–2000, the leading party, the LDS, signed a coalition agreement with each coalition partner. Since 2013, such coalition agreements include a mechanism of explicitly stating in coalition agreements that certain issues are to be avoided. Regardless, governments termination in majority cases happened due to different (policy or personal) conflicts within the government. Early in the period, government coalitions were ideologically mixed. This was characteristic for governments under LDS leadership from 1992 to 2004, while after the 2004 elections, the governmental coalitions were much more ideologically homogenous. Alternation between like-minded ideological coalitions (centre-left or centre-right) took place. Simultaneously, the main lines of conflict changed. In the 1990s, initially a mostly ideological cleavage between ‘transformed’ and ‘newly established’ political parties was present, while after the 2004 elections, the economic cleavage became more salient. All parliamentary parties, except the Slovenian National Party, have at least briefly participated in governments, while the Democratic Party of Retired Persons have been since the mid-1990s the party with the biggest coalition potential. Since 2011, small parties have received pivotal roles in coalition formation. Generally speaking, participation in the government has not been electorally rewarding for the political parties.

Limits of Electoral Equality and Political Representation

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kostas Chryssogonos ◽  
Costas Stratilatis
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Free Expression ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Normative Standards ◽  
Tyranny Of The Majority

Constitutional limits to the discretion of the legislature in forming the electoral system — Political equality — Equal suffrage — Equal opportunities for political parties — Free expression of popular will — Functionality of the parliament — Concrete normative standards for assessing the constitutionality of an electoral system — Conception of parliamentary democracy emphasising representation of political minorities and protection from ‘tyranny of the majority’

scholarly journals Political Parties of Thailand – Examination for Democratic Stability

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 102-119
Author(s):  
N. G. ROGOZHINA
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Governance

On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019,  the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important  to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which  as other developing countries of Asia, faces  challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political  history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies –  authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on  political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent  interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process  of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of  transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to  semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in  socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three  stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is  characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over  parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the  evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for  strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI  century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political  system, based on the relative balance of power between two main  political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the  liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating  parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions  regarding the model of political governance was overcome by  military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of  elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of  compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of  XX century is the most likely option of political development of  Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the  social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what  will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.

scholarly journals EVOLUTION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS: FROM BIRTH TO STABILIZATION

2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
The Eu

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.

scholarly journals The Federal Constitutional Court in the German Political System

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 470-491 ◽  
Author(s):  
DONALD P. KOMMERS
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
The Guardian ◽  
German Court

The Federal Constitutional Court is an important policy-making institution in the German political system. As the guardian of the Basic Law, the Constitutional Court has played a critical role in umpiring the federal system, resolving conflicts among branches of the national government, overseeing the process of parliamentary democracy, monitoring the financing of political parties, and reviewing restrictions on basic rights and liberties. In each of these areas, the Court's decisions have shaped the contours of German life and politics. Its influence is fully the equal of that of the Supreme Court in American politics. Despite its “activist” record of nullifying laws favored by legislative majorities, the German Court has managed to retain its institutional independence as well as the trust of the general public.

Parties and the Political System

2021 ◽  
pp. 301-330
Author(s):  
Paul Webb ◽  
Tim Bale
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
System P ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Policy Problems ◽  
Made In

Political parties in the UK today are widely seen as disappointing. This chapter examines the nature and causes of the present popular discontent by assessing how well parties perform political functions on behalf of the wider democratic system. It identifies shortcomings in this performance, for instance in parties’ roles in fostering representational and participatory linkage, and in the persistent policy problems which confront party governments. Equally, however, it is starkly apparent that they remain vital to the political system. Nevertheless, it is plain that there is considerable need and scope for reform. Although none is a panacea, important reforms might be made in the areas of party finance, the electoral system, and deliberative democracy.

scholarly journals Cuarenta años de la ley electoral para el Parlamento de Catalunya

2020 ◽  
pp. 379
Author(s):  
Jaume Magre Ferrán
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Autonomous Community ◽  
System Models ◽  
The Many ◽  
Electoral Law

A pesar de los muchos años transcurridos desde la aprobación del Estatut de Sau, el año 1979, la prevista ley electoral no se ha llegado a aprobar y Catalunya se ha convertido en la única comunidad autónoma sin una ley electoral propia. El artículo realiza un itinerario entre las distintas propuestas de la formaciones políticas a través de cuatro décadas de sistema político catalán —a partir de los tres momentos en los que los partidos presentan sus modelos de sistema electoral— para acabar mostrando que la rigidez de la reforma del Estatuto de 2006 en lo que atañe a la aprobación de la Ley electoral, ha incentivado las posturas maximizadoras de los partidos políticos y ha dado cabida a las posiciones de veto, lo que ha restado eficacia a la negociación y a las posibilidades de pacto.Despite the many years that have elapsed since the adoption of the Sau Statute, in 1979, the electoral law has not been approved and Catalonia. It is the only autonomous community without its own electoral law. The article makes an itinerary between the different proposals of the political formations through four decades of the Catalan political system — from the three moments in which the parties present their electoral system models — to end up showing that the rigidity of the reform of the 2006 Statute regarding the approval of the Electoral Law, it has encouraged the maximizing positions of the political parties and has accommodated the veto positions, which has reduced the negotiation and the possibilities of agreement.

scholarly journals Choice-less Choice in the 2019 Presidential Election: Towards the Intrigues Perfected by the Electoral System in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Kingsley E. Okoye ◽  
Chikwado Ezugwuorie ◽  
Francisca Onah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Campaign Strategies ◽  
Radical Nature ◽  
The Will ◽  
Will Power

Literature on election is mostly anchored on how the voting exercise was carried out successfully or rigged in favour of one candidate over another. These scholars were only interested in analyzing the outcome of election with little or no effort to understand why electorates who cast their votes during election do not choose their leaders. While we acknowledged that vote buying, snatching of ballot boxes, intimidation, and different pattern of malpractices among others contributed to these, we equally noted that scholars have not really tried to find out why the electoral system in Nigeria could not allow candidates that would not only attract massive support but become irresistible during and after election. Therefore, what is often witnessed among presidential flag bearers in Nigeria are candidates who the electorates knew would not make significant impact if elected. As a result, make them (electorates) see voting during election as a routine exercise that must be fulfilled without enthusiasm or eagerness in carrying out such obligation. Election in this situation becomes so difficult that whoever is elected is not actually chosen by the electorates but is allowed to keep the country on track. These political parties are only interested on the radical nature of candidates who can withstand the campaign strategies leaving other areas like understanding - the political terrain of the country and having the will power to transform society against other odds. Until this issue is properly addressed and handled in the political system, voting in election will remain a mere process of choosing leaders that will neither attract peoples mandate nor sustain the democratic structures

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