scholarly journals Green party members and grass-roots democracy: A comparative analysis

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Rüdig ◽  
Javier Sajuria
Keyword(s):  
Party Systems ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Green Parties ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Type ◽  
Party Members ◽  
First Time ◽  
Past Activity

When Green parties emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, their political project included a strong commitment to a new type of internal party organization, giving power to the ‘grass roots’. With Green parties having become well established in most West European party systems, has the vision of ‘grass-roots democracy’ survived the party foundation stage? What drives the ongoing or waning commitment to grass-roots democracy? Analysing party membership survey data from 15 parties collected in the early 2000s when many Green parties had for the first time become involved in national government, we find that it is the social movement oriented, pacifist, left-wing membership that is most committed to grass-roots democracy. It is the current involvement in social movements rather than past activity that is most important. Support for grass-roots democracy is also stronger in ‘Latin Europe’ and Greece but weaker in parties which have become established in parliament and government.

The German Greens in the 1980s: Short-term Cyclical Protest or Indicator of Transformation?

1989 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Müller-Rommel
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The West ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Social Bases ◽  
New Type ◽  
First Time ◽  
Political Scene

In the West German general election of 1983 the newly formed Green Party received 5.6 per cent of the popular vote and was (at only its second attempt) able to send 27 delegates to the federal Parliament (Bundestag). It was the first time since the 1950s that a new party had joined the three major parties (SPD, CDU-CSU, FDP) in the federal Parliament. In the 1987 federal election the Green Party achieved an even better result: it received 8.3 per cent of the popular vote and 42 seats in the federal Parliament. Because of this remarkable success the analysis of the Green Party in Germany has become a major research object in political science. Several studies have described the development of the Green Party, its social bases, its organizational structure and its ideology.1 However, these findings have not been related to the role as well as the function of the Green Party in the West German party system. This research note represents such an attempt. The debate on ‘realignment’ and ‘dealignment’ of West European party systems is the most useful in this respect.2 Is the Green Party vulnerable and consequently likely to disappear from the political scene or will it become a stable component of the party system? It is hypothesized that the Green Party will consolidate its position as the fourth party in the German party system because it is a ‘new type of party’ that differs significantly from the established parties and hence can mobilize its own voter clientele.

scholarly journals Oh Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party membership soar after the 2015 general election?

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Whiteley ◽  
Monica Poletti ◽  
Paul Webb ◽  
Tim Bale
Keyword(s):  
Relative Deprivation ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Project Data ◽  
First Time ◽  
Jeremy Corbyn

This article investigates the remarkable surge in individual membership of the Labour Party after the general election of May 2015, particularly after Jeremy Corbyn was officially nominated as a candidate for the leadership in June of that year. Using both British Election Study and Party Members Project data, we explain the surge by focussing on the attitudinal, ideological and demographic characteristics of the members themselves. Findings suggest that, along with support for the leader and yearning for a new style of politics, feelings of relative deprivation played a significant part: many ‘left-behind’ voters (some well-educated, some less so) joined Labour for the first time when a candidate with a clearly radical profile appeared on the leadership ballot. Anti-capitalist and left-wing values mattered too, particularly for those former members who decided to return to the party.

Sinn Fein surge in Ireland could be short-lived

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Climate Change Policy ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Sinn Fein ◽  
Change Policy ◽  
Form Part ◽  
First Time

Subject Sinn Fein surge. Significance On February 8, Sinn Fein (SF), Ireland’s left-wing nationalist party, won the first-preference vote for the first time, receiving 24.5%. However, it is unlikely to form part of the next government because it did not win enough seats. It is too early to say if SF’s rise constitutes a long-term realignment in Irish politics; its surge in support was based on voters' pragmatic concerns surrounding housing and health policy and far less on support for the party's identity politics. Impacts A ‘thin’ Brexit trade deal and an OECD digital tax would limit Ireland’s ability to increase public spending significantly. Ireland’s Brexit stance is unlikely to change much under a new government. The Green Party will likely form part of the next government, making climate change policy a greater priority for Dublin.

Die Bürgerschaftswahl in Bremen vom 26. Mai 2019: CDU gewinnt, aber Rot-Grün-Rot regiert

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Lothar Probst
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Second Best ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Social ◽  
Left Party ◽  
The One ◽  
First Time

The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen’s postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate’s president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate’s new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen’s Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .

Unconventional Participation in Party Politics: The Experience of the German Greens

1992 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Poguntke
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
German Society ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Organizational Principles

The German Green Party, which is one of the most successful Green parties in Western Europe, has not only been efficient in changing the political agenda of the Federal Republic. It has also challenged the conventional way of organizing party politics by institutionalizing a series of organizational principles that are inspired by the ideals of grass-roots democracy. However, despite the ideological appeal of grass-roots democracy to Green sympathizers, the party has failed to attract sufficiently large numbers of active party members. The Greens are caught in a dilemma, because they appeal to those segments of West German society where ‘non-partisans' are most numerous. This undermines the functioning, and hence the credibility, of Green grass-roots democracy.

scholarly journals Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 31-58
Author(s):  
Ilia Viatkin
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Intrinsic Value ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
European Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
Alternative For Germany

This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.

scholarly journals The social policy of Lionel Jospin’s government in France (1997–2002)

2021 ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Eugene G. Kolb
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
State Control ◽  
Close Attention ◽  
Family Issues ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Distinguishing Features

The social policy of Lionel Jospin’s government was focused on solving the problems of unemployment and social inequality, which in the 1990s were perceived by the population as the main problems of the country. This corresponded with traditions and ideological principles of the French left and the methods used were very close to the policies of previous left governments. One of the distinguishing features of Jospin’s government was the close attention it gave to family issues and protection of the interests of disabled people. Another distinctive feature was active use of the strong-willed approach, from which left-wing governments had retreated since 1983 under the influence of economic realities. At the same time the government took into account the necessity of economic development and refused to strengthen state control over labor relations as well as avoiding any large-scale actions to increase employees income. Despite the government’s pragmatism, for the first time since left forces came to power its social policy did not cause obvious disappointment among the part of the population close to the left camp. Despite all the external success of social policy results, it did not deliver the expected electoral effect due to the contradictions contained in it.

scholarly journals Why Do Green Parties Emerge?

2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Mathieu Petithomme
Keyword(s):  
Political Liberalism ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Strategic Choices ◽  
Green Party ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Independent Variables ◽  
Green Parties ◽  
Institutional Features

The emergence of Green parties has long been explained by the development of post-materialist values in advanced democracies. This article takes a somewhat different perspective, by reassessing the importance of institutional and strategic variables. The comparison between the British and the German cases reinforces the notion that post-materialist values might be considered as characteristics of the Green electorate more than independent variables of the emergence of Green parties. The paper shows that party systems financial and electoral characteristics can strongly influence the emergence of new parties. Similarly, the institutional features of a given system can multiply or reduce the possibilities of entry and of coalition-building of a new party. In the end, from a strategic viewpoint, the internal organisation of a given Green party and its position toward the questions of intra-party democracy, institutionalisation, and incorporation into the parliamentary game are determinant. Therefore, important institutional factors and strategic choices can explain the weaknesses of the Green party as well as the emergence and the conversion of the German Greens to classical political liberalism.

Party preferences and political participation: the emergence of the Turkish-origin German voter

2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40
Author(s):  
Vera Eccarius-Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Missed Opportunities ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Turkish Origin ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future ◽  
Specific Interests

The article examines trends in voting preferences and voting behavior of Turkish-origin German voters. Despite only representing a small percentage of the total German electorate, Turkish-origin voters are gaining an opportunity to shape the future political landscape. While the Social Democrats have benefited most directly from the minority constituency so far, this author suggests that the Green Party is poised to attract the younger, better educated, and German-born segment of the Turkish-origin voters. All other dominant national parties have ignored this emerging voting bloc, and missed opportunities to appeal to Turkish-origin voters by disregarding community-specific interests. 

Cinematic Search for Identity in the Shade of Turkey’s 1960 Coup: The Social Realism Debate and The Hope

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
Celal Hayir ◽  
Ayman Kole
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Social Realism ◽  
New Era ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
Turkish Cinema ◽  
To Come ◽  
First Time ◽  
Democratic Constitution ◽  
Realism Debate

When the Turkish army seized power on May 27th, 1960, a new democratic constitution was carried into effect. The positive atmosphere created by the 1961 constitution quickly showed its effects on political balances in the parliament and it became difficult for one single party to come into power, which strengthened the multi-party-system. The freedom initiative created by 1961’s constitution had a direct effect on the rise of public opposition. Filmmakers, who generally steered clear from the discussion of social problems and conflicts until 1960, started to produce movies questioning conflicts in political, social and cultural life for the first time and discussions about the “Social Realism” movement in the ensuing films arose in cinematic circles in Turkey. At the same time, the “regional managers” emerged, and movies in line with demands of this system started to be produced. The Hope (Umut), produced by Yılmaz Güney in 1970, rang in a new era in Turkish cinema, because it differed from other movies previously made in its cinematic language, expression, and use of actors and settings. The aim of this study is to mention the reality discussions in Turkish cinema and outline the political facts which initiated this expression leading up to the film Umut (The Hope, directed by Yılmaz Güney), which has been accepted as the most distinctive social realist movie in Turkey. 

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