The ephemeral politics of feminist accompaniment networks in Mexico City

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Krauss
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
New World ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnographic Research ◽  
Bare Life ◽  
Safe Abortion ◽  
The City ◽  
Feminist Practice

This article examines the tension in Hannah Arendt’s thought between the creativity of political action and the worldlessness of labour in light of fieldwork with feminist activists in Mexico City. Drawing from my ethnographic research, I explore how labour and action are knitted together in the feminist practice of accompanying women who seek safe abortion in the city. Bringing Arendt’s thought into dialogue with anthropologies of illness experience as well as the reflections of my interlocutors in the field, I shift from an approach to the situation of abortion as a decision-making event, to ask other questions about autonomy and dependency, freedom and necessity, mortality and political life. I argue that what is interesting about Arendt’s conceptualisation of the labouring body is not that she separates ‘bare life’ from the political sphere of ‘men’, but rather that it alerts us to the uncertain way our life is implicated with others. In conclusion, I argue that feminist accompaniment networks foster an ephemeral relation of care between activists and women in situations of abortion, one that invites us to re-imagine the temporality of political action and to ask, again, what it is to make a new world versus make this world livable.

scholarly journals (In)coherent subjects? The politics of conceptualising resistance in the UK asylum system

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
Sarah M Hughes
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnographic Research ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Subject Formation ◽  
Grounding Resistance ◽  
Migration Control ◽  
The Uk

Many accounts of resistance within systems of migration control pivot upon a coherent migrant subject, one that is imbued with political agency and posited as oppositional to particular forms of sovereign power. Drawing upon ethnographic research into the role of creativity within the UK asylum system, I argue that grounding resistance with a stable, coherent and agentic subject, aligns with oppositional narratives (of power vs resistance), and thereby risks negating the entangled politics of the (in)coherence of subject formation, and how this can contain the potential to disrupt, disturb or interrupt the practices and premise of the UK asylum system. I suggest that charity groups and subjects should not be written out of narratives of resistance apriori because they engage with ‘the state’: firstly, because to argue that there is a particular form that resistance should take is to place limits around what counts as the political; and secondly, because to ‘remain oppositional’ is at odds with an (in)coherent subject. I show how accounts which highlight a messy and ambiguous subjectivity, could be bought into understandings of resistance. This is important because as academics, we too participate in the delineation of the political and what counts as resistance. In predetermining what subjects, and forms of political action count as resistance we risk denying recognition to those within this system.

El pueblo de México y la política capitalina, 1808 y 1812

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Growth ◽  
Substantial Role ◽  
The People ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The City

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.

scholarly journals The Military Coups in Shadow of Democratization (A Comparative Study of Turkey and Mauritania)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
EkramBadr El-din ◽  
Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Descriptive Approach ◽  
The Military

The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in political life in the shadow of the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania? The study aims at understanding reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life. To discuss this phenomenon and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted for concluding key results that may contribute to understand reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life in Turkey and Mauritania in the aftermath democratization occurred in the two countries. The study concluded that the military establishment in both countries engaged in the political action and became ready to militarily intervene in the case of harming its interests and acquisitions. 

Utrum sapienti competat prolem habere?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvain Piron
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Unit ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

This chapter considers fourteenth-century Italian debates about the costs of marriage to the work of a philosopher. Following Heloise’s famous injunction against the idea of marriage to Abelard, when she railed against the impact it would have upon his work, this chapter investigates how the terms of this conversation were transformed by the insights of lay intellectuals of cities like Arezzo, Bologna, and Florence, who were grappling with the implications of fatherhood as part of the economic unit of the household, and its role in the political life of the city.

The Experience of Personal Government between the Factions and the Popolo

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Body ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The City

At the beginning of the thirteenth century, two new actors made their appearance in the political life of the communes: the factions and the Societas Populi. This chapter focuses on the political language and culture of these two elements, highlighting the tendency of various social actors to consistently represent the unity of the political body. This was the supreme value which neither the factions nor the Popolo would renounce, even when they were alone in power: on the contrary, in fact, it was very much in that kind of situation that the parties tended to represent themselves as ‘the whole’. The chapter then goes on to examine the role that both the factions and the Societas Populi played in fostering the first experiences of lordly government in the city.

Supremacy in the Commons

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Como
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
Full Range ◽  
City Government ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Final Settlement ◽  
The City

The creation of the New Model Army in 1645 brought unprecedented polarization to parliament’s cause. Common ground between “presbyterians” and “independents” eroded and, increasingly, Roundheads were driven into competing camps. This polarization was exacerbated by the polemical interventions of the most extreme independents, most notably the clique associated with Richard Overton’s secret press. The resulting political battles were conducted using the full range of techniques and practices outlined in previous chapters. Parliamentary maneuver was complemented by grass-roots mobilization, including petitioning, co-optation of the city government, sermons and countermeasures, rumors, street placarding, and calculated print campaigns, hinting at significant transformations in the conduct of political life. Paradoxically, these conflicts worsened with parliament’s victory at Naseby, as the competing sides gathered strength to struggle over the final settlement. The chapter concludes by examining the political rise of John Lilburne, with his controversial claims for the supremacy of the House of Commons.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Andrew Konove
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Informal Economy ◽  
Urban Politics ◽  
Shadow Economy ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Urban Public Space ◽  
The City

The introduction outlines the argument and principal contributions of the book. It argues that the Baratillo and the larger shadow economy in Mexico City have been essential to the economic and political life of the city since the late colonial period. The introduction explains how the study contributes to existing scholarship on the informal economy, the state, urban politics, and urban public space in Mexico and Latin America. It includes a discussion of the study’s sources and methods and brief chapter descriptions.

Argentine Gramscians between Culture and Politics: The Case of Pasado y Presente

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 107-123
Author(s):  
Anna Popovitch
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
New Left ◽  
The Political ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Social Theories ◽  
Cultural Sphere ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Political Imaginary ◽  
The City

The Argentine cultural journal Pasado y Presente (1963–1965; 1973), founded in the city of Córdoba by a group of New Left thinkers including José Aricó, positioned itself at the intersection between the cultural sphere and the field of political action. The members of the collective adopted a critical attitude toward European social theories imported to Latin America and envisioned an alliance between Marxism and Peronism. They also debated the viability of armed struggle, advocated workers’ councils, and identified a new political imaginary for the Argentine New Left, a “third way.” The journal’s intellectual trajectory reveals a tension between the cultural and the political spheres that prevented it from becoming a strictly political entity. La revista cultural argentina Pasado y Presente (1963–1965; 1973), fundada en la ciudad de Córdoba por un grupo de pensadores de la Nueva Izquierda, incluyendo a José Aricó, se situó en la intersección entre el ámbito cultural y el campo de la acción política. Los miembros del colectivo adoptaron una actitud crítica en relación a las teorías sociales europeas importadas a América Latina y concibieron una alianza entre el marxismo y peronismo. También debatieron sobre la viabilidad de la lucha armada, abogaron a favor de los comités obreros e inauguraron un nuevo imaginario político para la nueva izquierda Argentina—una “tercera vía”. La trayectoria intelectual de la revista revela una tensión entre los espacios cultural y político que impidió que se convirtiera en una entidad estrictamente política.

scholarly journals Aristotle and the Constitution of the Political Community

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-46
Author(s):  
Esben Korsgaard Rasmussen ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Vital Role ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Bare Life ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Viable Option ◽  
Point Of Entry

In this paper I will argue that the distinction between biological life and political life as found in Hannah Arendt’s reading of Aristotle and later repeated and elaborated by Giorgio Agamben under the headings of (“bare life”) and (“qualified life”), is in fact a fertile point of entry to , and the only viable option in order the grasp what constitutes the political as such for Aristotle. By hashing out the conceptual steps necessary for the establishment of what can be called a “political community” , I seek to illuminate how the distinction upon which much of Arendt’s and Agamben’s works rests, does indeed play a vital role in the work of Aristotle. By clarifying the nature of a “political community” according to Aristotle, this paper thus seeks to make a proper assessment of the thought of both Arendt and Agamben possible.

scholarly journals The state of public city protection movements (on the example of Barnaul)

2020 ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
Dmitrii Anatolevich Kachusov
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
City Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City

The subject of this article is the city protection movement in Barnaul. On the background of strengthening of authoritarian trends in political life of the country, takes place reorientation of the vector of civil activity from solution of the political problems of federal scale towards the local social issues. Namely the local public movements become an important element in the society of separate cities that allow the interaction between civil activists, society, and municipal authorities. The advancement of Internet and social networks greatly contributed to broadening of the audience of city protection communities, growth of opportunities for their influence upon public consciousness and government authorities. Assessment of the size, publication activity and staff composition of the city mono-problem communities in social networks in the key method for studying the city public movements. The research determined the presents of a number of organizations in Barnaul oriented toward the general questions (preservation of historical center of the city, protection of park zones, etc.), as well as solution of particular problems. The author also underlines a large portion of youth (below 30 years of age) among the members of city protection communities. Despite the fact that currently the social database is restricted, members of the communities actively participate in city life, using the Internet as an environment for public self-presentation and channel for communication with population, government, and mass media.

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