Colombian cries: Internal armed conflict and emotions in letters to the editor

Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Milena Barrios
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Letters To The Editor ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Significant Events ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Peace Journalism ◽  
Journalistic Field

Letters to the editor published by two Colombian newspapers during 1999–2008 were examined. Most addressed themes, domestic politics and the citizens’ affairs, were analyzed herein to describe emotions from a qualitative perspective. Findings showed that the internal armed conflict was the main driving force to express the individual’s emotions and judgments. Significant events triggering a wide range of emotions were identified. Two units of meaning emerged: patriotism under siege, to account for people’s love for the nation regardless of their affliction; and fear, the predominant emotion, to explain public distress caused by this intractable conflict. Being aware of the public’s emotional condition questions whether it is worth considering the paradigm of objectivity as an ethical ideal in the journalistic field. It also encourages reporting conflicts through the perspective of peace journalism, emphasizing possible solutions. Since Colombia is currently moving to a post-conflict phase, this could help to heal the social issue.

scholarly journals El papel de la arquitectura ante los problemas de calidad de vida de la población víctima del conflicto armado colombiano

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika Tatiana Ayala-Garcia ◽  
César Augusto Hernandez-Suarez ◽  
Rutsara Ayala-Santos
Keyword(s):  
Quality Of Life ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Calidad De Vida ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Buena Vista ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Impact

This investigation of the Buena Vista II neighborhood of Villa del Rosario-Norte de Santander, characterized by its displaced population victim of the Colombian internal armed conflict. It is developed from a documentary approach that contextualizes the consequences of the conflict and conceptually defines quality of life. It presents a mixed methodology; qualitative, which recognizes the dynamics and conditions of habitability and; quantitative, which performs a population characterization from the social, economic and environmental dimensions that identifies the quality of life needs of the inhabitants. This research allows us to establish the impact of architecture on the quality of life of the populations victims of the Colombian armed conflict, as an element that determines repair and rehabilitation processes in the context of the post-conflict.

A price worth fighting for? Natural resources and conflict recurrence

2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siri Aas Rustad ◽  
Helga Malmin Binningsbø
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Natural Resource ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Resource Distribution ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Resource Conflict ◽  
Resource Conflicts ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Number Of Publications

While a number of publications show that natural resources are associated with internal armed conflict, surprisingly little research looks at how natural resources affect post-conflict peace. This article therefore investigates the relationship between natural resources and post-conflict peace by analyzing new data on natural resource conflicts. We argue that the effect of natural resources on peace depends on how a country’s natural resources can constitute a motive or opportunity for armed conflict. In particular, three mechanisms may link natural resources to conflict recurrence: disagreements over natural resource distribution may motivate rebellion; using natural resources as a funding source creates an opportunity for conflict; and natural resources may aggravate existing conflict, acting either as motivation or opportunity for rebellion, but through other mechanisms than distributional claims or funding. Our data code all internal armed conflicts between 1946 and 2006 according to the presence of these resource–conflict links. We claim such mechanisms increase the risk of conflict recurrence because access to natural resources is an especially valuable prize worth fighting for. We test our hypotheses using a piecewise exponential survival model and find that, bivariately, armed conflicts with any of these resource–conflict mechanisms are more likely to resume than non-resource conflicts. A multivariate analysis distinguishing between the three mechanisms reveals that this relationship is significant only for conflicts motivated by natural resource distribution issues. These findings are important for researchers and policymakers interested in overcoming the ‘curse’ associated with natural resources and suggest that the way forward lies in natural resource management policies carefully designed to address the specific resource–conflict links.

Restoring a just order in post-conflict situations in the light of the social teachings of the Catholic Church

1998 ◽  
Vol 38 (322) ◽  
pp. 75-80
Author(s):  
Giorgio Filibeck
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Political Factor ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Teachings ◽  
Realistic Goal

We should start by noting that, even today, not all post-conflict situations are marked by a return to true peace. A situation of latent conflict often persists, ranging from isolated hostile acts, sometimes terrorist in nature, to sporadic military operations which maintain a climate of aggressivity. In such situations, it may be hard to ensure the security conditions which are so vital to the proper functioning of justice. Effective justice is thus conditioned by an essentially political factor: without a real consensus on ending armed conflict, it is impossible to restore an order in which justice can be seen as a realistic goal. However, if there is no political will to punish those responsible for behaviour that is morally unacceptable, quite apart from being legally criminal, it will be impossible to pave the way for authentic peace.

scholarly journals “Memoria histórica razonada”. Una propuesta incluyente para las víctimas del conflicto armado interno colombiano

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 15-52
Author(s):  
Juan Felipe Rueda Arenas
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Oral History ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Forced Displacement ◽  
Social Sciences And Humanities ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Life Trajectories ◽  
The Social

“Memoria histórica razonada” es una propuesta teórico-metodológica que busca la participación activa de las víctimas del conflicto armado interno en la construcción de la historia colombiana. El artículo es un aporte conceptual de un estudio de trayectorias de vida de víctimas del desplazamiento forzado llevado a cabo en Bucaramanga, Colombia. Para tal caso, se realiza un acercamiento al contexto histórico del origen y dinámica de la historia, la memoria y la oralidad en la historiografía. Se evidencia el debate teórico sobre memoria e historia realizado por autores de las ciencias sociales y humanas. Y se muestran trabajos participativos de memorias de víctimas del conflicto armado interno colombiano. Como resultado, se pretende que mediante la construcción de memoria histórica razonada se comprendan relatos de personas desplazadas a través de un conocimiento complementario entre víctimas e investigadores, generándose instrumentos contra marginalidades, negacionismos, silencios y olvidos impuestos por centros de poder.Palabras claves: “memoria histórica razonada”, “memoria histórica”, víctimas, historia, memoria, historiografía, historia oral.Reasoned Historical Memory.  A Proposal to Include Victims of Colombian Internal Armed ConflictAbstractThis Reasoned Historical Memory is a theoretical-methodological proposal that seeks the active participation of victims of internal armed conflict in the construction of Colombian history. While The article is part of a conceptual contribution to a study from life trajectories of victims of forced displacement held in Bucaramanga city.For such a case, It makes an approach into the historical context of the origin and dynamic of history, memory and orality in historiography. It demonstrates the theoretical debate about memory and history made by authors in the social sciences and humanities. Also, the participatory memories from the victims of Colombian internal armed conflict are showed. As a result, it is intended that through the construction of historical memory are understood reasoned accounts of people displaced through a complementary knowledge between victims and researchers, generating instruments against marginalities denials, silence and forgetfulness imposed by centers of power.  Keywords: "reasoned historical memory","historical memory", victims, memory, history, historiography. oral history.

scholarly journals The evolution of warfare in Africa

Afrika Focus ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-19
Author(s):  
William Reno
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Social Spaces ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
Conflict In Africa

It is widely noted that armed conflict in Africa has evolved away from the prominence of insurgencies that are able to mobilize supporters around political programs in favor of more fragmented organizations in the service of their leaders' quests for power and wealth. The causes of this shift are found in changes in the domestic politics of African states that have taken place in recent decades. Regime strategies to disorganize and co-opt opponents and to suppress mass political mobilization have restricted the social spaces in which ideologues formerly organized and recruited cadres. Emigration among educated groups that previously supplied the bulk of insurgent leaders and cadres further reduces the influence of these groups. Alongside these changes, the development of parallel political structures that are rooted in the control of commerce channels resources to new leaders who lead insurgencies to establish their own dominance in this system of politics. This competition crowds out remaining ideologues who would pursue a vision of more radical change.

Promoting Internal Armed Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding: The Case of the U.S.-Colombia Relations (Part II)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-196
Author(s):  
A. A. Manukhin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Government

In the present paper the author continues the study of the challenges faced by Colombia in its struggle to overcome the internal armed conflict, as well as the role of the United States in this process. By 2010 the confrontation between the government forces and the armed rebels had reached a breaking point opening the way to a successful conclusion of the Government of Colombia–FARC peace negotiations and the beginning of the country’s post-conflict reconstruction. The paper thoroughly examines the negotiations process, identifies the key disputed issues and the measures outlined for their resolution, including mechanisms of transitional justice, agrarian reform, programmes for demobilization and reintegration of the former combatants. The results of these talks laid the foundation for the historic Peace Accord of September 26, 2016. However, against all hopes and expectations, the agreement failed to bring an end to the long-standing internal conflict in Colombia. The failure of the national referendum, which was designed to approve the agreement, not only revealed deep divisions in the society, but forced the government to make serious concessions to the opponents of the negotiations with FARC. The author emphasizes the growing erosion of the hard-won consensus in the Colombian society, accompanied by the consolidation of the right-wing conservative camp. In this context the role of external sponsors of the peaceful agreement in general and the United States in particular becomes crucial. The paper presents a comparative analysis of approaches to providing aid to Colombia demonstrated by the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The author concludes that despite substantial differences, for both administrations the ultimate objective was national security of the United States. That was clearly demonstrated by the fact that the US foreign aid to Colombia focused primarily on the fight against the illegal production of and trafficking in drugs, while the issues of peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction received less attention. Assessing Colombia’s experience in overcoming the internal conflict and the role of the United States in that process, the author concludes that although prioritization of security issues may have a considerable organizing potential, at the same time it may be detrimental to the process of post-conflict reconstruction in general.

scholarly journals From Engines for Conflict into Engines for Sustainable Development: The Potential of International Law to Address Predatory Exploitation of Natural Resources in Situations of Internal Armed Conflict

2013 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniëlla Dam-de Jong
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
International Law ◽  
Environmental Degradation ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Environmental Conservation ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Resource Exploitation ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Cold War

Since the end of the Cold War, natural resources have proven an adequate replacement for external funding of armed conflicts. The prospects for parties to an armed conflict to gain ‘easy’ profits from resource exploitation encourage these parties to engage in predatory practices that are highly detrimental to environmental conservation. The environmental degradation caused by predatory resource exploitation by parties to an armed conflict also severely hampers efforts towards the post-conflict reconstruction of a State. Environmental degradation of land may spark new tensions in the fragile phase of post-conflict reconstruction. In addition, natural resources are an important engine to restart the economy of a war-torn State after the conflict has come to an end. If the resources are severely degraded or even exhausted as a consequence of their exploitation during armed conflict, it becomes even more difficult to kick-start the economy of a State emerging from conflict. This article argues that current international law is not sufficiently equipped to deal with these challenges. The existing regulatory framework is fragmented and imprecise. It is only through case specific responses under Security Council sanctions regimes that the challenges are currently addressed.

scholarly journals Buen vivir y pueblos indígenas en Colombia

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar David Montero de la Rosa
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Buen Vivir ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
The Social ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Indigenous Territories ◽  
Good Living ◽  
Mother Earth

ResumenA partir de la Constitución Política de 1991, Colombia se reconoce como un país multiétnico y pluricultural. Los 102 Pueblos Indígenas existentes en el país tienen como principios de lucha el Territorio, la Cultura, la Autonomía y la Unidad. Hoy el movimiento indígena colombiano, es un referente consolidado, a pesar del exterminio físico y cultural. Actualmente 36 pueblos están en riesgo de extinción, a raíz de las políticas estatales, el conflicto armado interno y el desarrollo occidental.  El movimiento indígena platea alternativas propias de acuerdo a sus usos y costumbres para una sociedad diversa e intercultural para el Buen Vivir de la humanidad. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo presentar las dinámicas sociales, culturales y políticas de los Pueblos Indígenas, como sujetos políticos colectivos. Palabras claves: Buen Vivir, territorios indígenas, madre tierra y cosmovisión. AbstractColombia is a multiethnic and pluri-cultural country according to article 7 of the Political Constitution of Colombia. Achievement that was given by the resistance and cohesion of the indigenous movement, despite being only 3.28% of the Colombian population, where there are 102 indigenous peoples, which has as principles of struggle: territory, culture, autonomy and unity. Today the Colombian indigenous movement is a reference for the social movements of the country and the Abya Yala movement of peace that raises own alternatives according to their uses and customs for a diverse and intercultural society for the good living of humanity. Despite the fact that extermination in which it lives both physically and culturally, since there are 36 peoples in extinction, as a result of the state policies, the internal armed conflict and the development proposal posed by the West. This research project aims to explain the social, cultural and political dynamics that indigenous peoples have as collective political subjects with respect to the territory and the Good Living that is lived in it. Re meaning the traditions, the uses and imaginaries that we have to maintain our principles of struggle and identity, affected by current problems outside our peoples.Keywords: Good Living, indigenous territories, development, Mother Earth, cosmology, cosmogony, interculturality.

International humanitarian law after September 11: challenges and the need to respond

2003 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 41-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dieter Fleck
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
International Treaties ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Law

The need to enforce and further develop international legal protection after 11 September 2001 has been discussed in prominentforabefore. A wide range of issues (self-defence, humanitarian law, human rights, national laws and regulations, criminal sanctions) must be considered in this context. Different phases of application of the law (international and non-international armed conflict, peace enforcement, post-conflict peace building, etc.) are affected. Misconceptions have been propagated at the highest government levels and have created new problems rather than solving existing ones.Among expert observers, such developments may cause feelings ofdéjà vu. In the years after the adoption of the 1977 Additional Protocols, when one might have expected that all efforts would be taken to accelerate the ratification of these new instruments and ensure respect for their provisions, Protocol I was criticised as being in the service of terror, an allegation that won certain influence although it was promptly and convincingly refuted. Concerns expressed more recently that the application of certain rules of humanitarian law might impede the fight against terrorism may stem from similar ways of thinking. They have made it necessary to explicate in detail that terrorist acts when committed during armed conflict are serious violations of humanitarian law, prohibited without any exception in the Geneva Conventions, their Additional Protocols and other international treaties and customary law, and that only scrupulous respect for international humanitarian law in military campaigns helps to strengthen the determination of all members of the international community to abide by the law in all circumstances.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document