Familiar grammars of loss and belonging: curating trans kinship in post-dictatorship Argentina

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cole Rizki
Keyword(s):  
Visual Culture ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
National Narratives ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Family Loss ◽  
Argentine History ◽  
Radical Left

On 24 March 1976, the Argentine military staged a coup d’état and established dictatorship. To eliminate radical left activists, the armed forces perpetrated mass civilian murder until democratic transition in 1983. The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo emerged, protesting their children’s disappearance by mobilizing portraiture to make visible familial rupture and indict the state. This article examines the archival exhibit, Esta se fue, a esta la mataron, esta murió (2017), which displayed trans women’s vernacular photographs and family albums from the 1970s–1980s, the same years as dictatorship. Analyzing the exhibit’s curatorial choices and the photographs’ material and haptic qualities, this article reads the exhibit alongside the Mothers’ iconic activist visual culture and national narratives of family loss. In doing so, the author suggests the exhibit renders trans sociality familial and familiar to a national viewing public, thereby reinterpreting Argentine history by installing trans subjects as proper subjects of national mourning.

Chad: Armed Presidents and Politics

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ketil Hansen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Opportunity ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
Tactical Training ◽  
The Cold War

Politics in Chad was militarized at the time of colonial conquest and has remained so ever since. Except for the French-supported candidacy of François Tombalbaye for the presidency in 1960, all other presidents of Chad have been connected to a coup d’état. All presidents in independent Chad have relied heavily on armed support, creating ample armies, feared presidential guards, and terrifying secret services. Proxy wars, political mistrust, economic opportunity-seeking, and strategic ever-changing armed alliances characterize Chadian politics. Flexibility and fluidity have embodied the heart of armed resistance in Chad since the establishment of the first important politico-military rebel movement Frolinat in 1966. In fact, for rebels and powerholders alike, the state is at its best when it is most fragile (in a Western sense). With fragility comes blurriness and flexibility and thus predation opportunities. During the Cold War, most of the various armed fractions were supported militarily and economically by either the United States and France or Libyan Colonel Gaddafi and the regime in Khartoum. During Habré’s regime (1982–1990), the Cold War heated Chad. Fearing to lose Chad to the communists or “crazy” Colonel Gaddafi, the United States and France supported a brutal and ruthless Chadian president who ruled with terror and force. The current president, Déby, gained power in the wake of the Cold War and has managed to keep it ever since by cleverly changing his rhetoric from a hope for democracy to a fear of war, both internally and internationally. After starting to export oil in 2003, Chad has used petrodollars to upgrade its armed forces, both in numbers and in materiel. Since about 2010, Chad has been a prime EU- and US-financed antiterrorism force in the Sahel. With its courageous troops, especially the former Presidential Guard, transformed in 2005 to Direction Générale de Service de Sécurité des Institutions de l’État (DGSSIE) and from 2014 led by Mahamat Déby, son of President Déby, Chad’s army has gained international fame. The Chadian army has benefited largely from the tactical training and military equipment provided by the United States and France in the name of antiterrorism. Thus, by the end of the 2010s, Chad had one of the best-equipped and trained armies in Africa.

STRUCTURAL AND LOGIC DIAGRAM OF RESEARCH ON THE MILITARY-ECONOMIC SUBSTANTIATION OF THE RATIONAL NUMBER OF ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE IN THE PROCESS OF FORMING THE PROGRAM OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (12) ◽  
pp. 102-110
Author(s):  
V. Nazarkin ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
A. Efimenko ◽  
V. Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
Rational Number ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Limiting Factors ◽  
Development Programs ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Scientific Substantiation ◽  
Conducting Research ◽  
Excess Number ◽  
The Military

The task of choosing the rational number of power structures is always one of the main priorities of any political leadership of the state. An insufficient number of armed forces is a threat to the national security of the state; an excess number creates pressures on the development of the country's national economy. Today, when the development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are being formed in the context of the practical application of their units and subunits to carry out combat missions, questions of choosing a priority approach to the formation (justification) of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is an urgent issue. The article proposes a structure for conducting research on the development and implementation of the methodology of military-economic substantiation of the rational strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the system of defense planning of Ukraine in the formation of programs for their development for the medium and long term. The main objectives of this methodology are: scientific substantiation of the range of the necessary strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine for the period of the program of their development; the choice of the indicator of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine according to the years of the program from a certain range of its changes; military-economic substantiation of this number under the influence of various limiting factors. The development and implementation of such a methodology will increase the efficiency of the formation and implementation of development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as well as the efficiency of using public funds for the development of power structures.

Serbia and Croatia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Small States ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Defence Strategy ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
National Defence

During the cold war, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was a middle-sized power pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy and a defence strategy based on massive armed forces, obligatory conscription, and a doctrine of ‘Total National Defence’. The violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in the creation of several small states. Ever since, their defence policies and armed forces have been undergoing a thorough transformation. This chapter provides an analysis of the defence transformation of the two biggest post-Yugoslav states—Serbia and Croatia—since the end of the cold war. During the 1990s, defence transformation in both states was shaped by the undemocratic nature of their regimes and war. Ever since they started democratic transition in 2000, and in spite of their diverging foreign policies, both states have pivoted towards building modern, professional, interoperable, and democratically controlled armed forces capable of tackling both traditional and emerging threats.

The United States and the Rise of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Military

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.

scholarly journals PROBLEMS OF LEGAL REGULATION OF THE USE OF POLYGRAPH IN THE SECURITY AND DEFENSE SECTOR OF UKRAINE

2021 ◽  
pp. 62-66
Author(s):  
S. Kazmiruk ◽  
I. Pampukha ◽  
N. Blyzniuk
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Control Procedure ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
Linguistic Support ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Right ◽  
Psychophysiological Detection

The year 2021 was proclaimed the year of the Euro-Atlantic transformation at the Department of Defense of Ukraine. The result of such transformational processes in the DoD of Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine will be the creation of the integrated Euro-Atlantic type defense institution that will ensure their obligatory transformation, together with the other subjects of the security and defense sector of Ukraine to the new standards functioning and the command and control procedure. In particular, the introduction of legal regulation of the use of the polygraph. Military security is one of the fundamental requirements to implement the right of the people of Ukraine on self-identification, preserve Ukraine as a state and secure its sustainable development. The protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine is the utmost valuable function of the State. The fulfillment of this norm of the Constitution of Ukraine in terms of existential military threat to national security requires applying a number of measures and defensive actions that adhere to the principles and norms of international law. The main purpose of the Strategy of the military security of Ukraine is a preliminary prepared and comprehensively maintained all-encompassing defense of Ukraine based on the principles of deterrence, sustainability, and cooperation that ensures military security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the state by introducing innovative tools to detect hidden information. In the course of the Euro-Atlantic integration process, there is a critical moment to start carrying out specific, complex, and relevant tasks in the sphere of external political activity that facilitate the implementation of relevant directions in developing innovative systems aimed at identifying concealed and false information. Particularly, the linguistic support of events of defense and military cooperation in order to systematically implement the reforms of the security and defense sector that are directed to meet the international NATO-members' standards. It is also relevant to urgently implement the legal and ethical norms on the activity of the polygraph examiner's when performing a psychophysiological detection of deception using a polygraph.

scholarly journals Holy Synod and Political Crisis of Interregnum

2020 ◽  
pp. 340-358
Author(s):  
M. S. Belousov ◽  
T. V. Lebenkova
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Everyday Activities ◽  
State Apparatus

The features of the development of the dynastic crisis of the interregnum of 1825 through the prism of the functioning of one of the key public authorities - the Holy Synod is discussed in the article. An analysis of the literature allows us to conclude that in modern historiography, the events of the oath to Grand Duke Konstantin received conflicting estimates. It is noted that as a result there were several interpretative schemes of what happened in the capital on November 27. An appeal to the workflow of the Synod makes it possible to assert that from the point of view of the logic of the functioning of the state apparatus, a coup d’etat took place. An analysis of everyday activities, the key bureaucratic formulas in the protocols leads to the conclusion that the bureaucratic reaction to the oath to Konstantin did not correspond to the established traditions and was distinguished by haste and internal contradictions. This was reflected primarily in the decisions of November 27: the Synod decides on the oath, relying on oral reports from the synodal members, but the next day duplicates its own decision, referring to the jurisdiction of the Senate. Moreover, a comparison with the events of December 12-14 shows that the accession to the throne of Nikolai Pavlovich was carried out in accordance with the order established in the previous century and was distinguished by deliberate legal accuracy and consistency.

scholarly journals Cognitive information technology support for NATO standards implementation processes

Connectivity ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
H. M. Potapov ◽  
◽  
M. V. Nadutenko ◽  
V. V. Prykhodnyuk
Keyword(s):  
Information Technology ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Technology Support ◽  
Important Process ◽  
Implementation Processes ◽  
Cognitive Information ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Implementation Of Standards ◽  
Unstructured Information

The article considers the issue of creating cognitive information technology to support the implementation of NATO standards, which is also inherent in the means of communication of modern telecommunications systems in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other components of the security and defense sector of Ukraine. It is noted that assessing the state of implementation of NATO standards is a rather complex and important process that requires the analysis of a large amount of poorly structured and unstructured information with varying degrees of restriction of access, which greatly complicates its analysis and processing. The effective use of information technology to solve these problems directly depends on the level of interaction between information processes. The nature of the interaction between them determines their network orientation, and in the environment of the system should be used tools that use information resources from different fields of knowledge. A number of problems have been identified, which are the redundancy, complexity and irrelevance of the regulatory framework in the field of defense; obsolescence of standards and their incompatibility with modern systems, etc. To eliminate them, it is proposed to use cognitive information technology with elements of artificial intelligence, and to assess the state of implementation of standards, it is proposed to use the method of recursive reduction. This method will be used both for structuring and for forming ontologies based on them. A further direction of research initiated in this article is the introduction of the proposed cognitive information technology in the activities of the governing bodies of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other components of the security and defense sector.

scholarly journals Logistics and financial regulation of the defense-industrial complex in the system of troops

2021 ◽  
Vol 255 ◽  
pp. 01032
Author(s):  
Denys Lisovenko ◽  
Nadiia Burdeina ◽  
Oleksandr Fedchenko ◽  
Stanislav Nikul ◽  
Viacheslav Holovan
Keyword(s):  
Financial Regulation ◽  
Development Program ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Defense Industry ◽  
The State ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Logistics System ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Military

The study is devoted to the problem of financial regulation of the defense industry and the provision of troops, as the escalation of the military conflict in eastern Ukraine has revealed shortcomings in this area. A comparative analysis of NATO and Ukraine’s defense spending was conducted and differences in the cost structure were identified. The tendency of Ukraine’s defense spending to gradually approach the structure of NATO defense spending is pointed out, but the insufficient level of this approach is also taken into account. The analysis allowed to identify problematic issues and inconsistencies in the financial regulation of the defense industry. The state of export of defense equipment and technologies as a possible source of financing of defense enterprises is analyzed. The existence of two opposite trends in the financial regulation of military logistics has been identified: both an increase in funding in absolute terms and a reduction in the share of the total amount for the implementation of the unified logistics system of the State Armed Forces Development Program. The developed mathematical model of supply of military units is suitable for use in information systems of logistical support of troops.

scholarly journals Tuareg-Rebellion, Islamismus und Staatskrise in Mali

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (170) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Greven
Keyword(s):  
Social Relationship ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Spontaneous Reaction

The root causes of the ongoing crisis in Northern Mali lie in the region’s underdevelopment, exacerbated by longstanding, if recently decreasing, neglect of the central government; the complex social relationship between the largest minority, the Tuareg, and the majority population, which has worsened since a largely unresolved crisis in the 1990s; and the growing interest of a small but growing number of actors involved in the drug trade and other criminal activities in the absence of the state. Among the latter have been a growing number of Jihadists, at first mostly from Algeria, who have been taking Western citizens hostage and therefore caused the US and France to pressure the Malian government to re-establish a presence of the state in the North. The clash was all but inevitable when several thousand heavily armed Tuareg fighters came to Mali after the defeat of Gaddafi in Libya. A new element of the crisis is the growing number of jihadists among the Tuareg rebels and other Malians, but neither Tuareg irredentism nor Islamic fundamentalism has more than minority support in Mali, Northern Mali, or among the Tuareg. The coup d’état against the president, while most likely a spontaneous reaction to the inability of the government to fight the rebellion, uncovered a structural crisis of Malian democracy and society. The disintegration of Mali’s long-praised formal democratic institutions after the coup showed fundamental problems. However, political supporters of the coup who assumed that the population’s tacit support of the coup could be turned into a movement for fundamental social change, had to find that it was largely an opportunistic and diffuse expression of general discontent.

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