scholarly journals Populists Prefer Social Media Over Talk Shows: An Analysis of Populist Messages and Stylistic Elements Across Six Countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511882335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Ernst ◽  
Sina Blassnig ◽  
Sven Engesser ◽  
Florin Büchel ◽  
Frank Esser

For studying populism in a hybrid and high-choice media environment, the comparison of various media channels is especially instructive. We argue that populism-related communication is a combination of key messages (content) and certain stylistic devices (form), and we compare their utilization by a broad range of political actors on Facebook, Twitter, and televised talk shows across six countries (CH, DE, FR, IT, UK, and US). We conducted a content analysis of social media and talk show statements ( N = 2067) from 31 parties during a nonelection period of 3 months in 2015. We place special emphasis on stylistic devices and find that they can be grouped into three dimensions—equivalent to three dimensions used for populist key messages. We further find that political parties are generally more inclined to use populism-related communication on Facebook and Twitter than in political talk shows and that both new challenger parties and extreme parties use higher amounts of populist key messages and style elements.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-306
Author(s):  
Kostiantyn Yanchenko

Against a background of increasing electoral support of populist political actors in Europe and beyond, this study offers an exploratory inquiry into modern Ukrainian populism. The article examines populist communication, broadcast on the most highly rated Ukrainian television political talk shows, on the eve of the 2019 presidential election, which was completed in two rounds. A qualitative content analysis of populist communication acts (n=283) shows that Ukrainian viewers were exposed to diverse political discourses containing empty, anti-elitist, emergency, and complete populism, depending on which channel(s) they watched. The dominance of one or another type of populism on the studied channels mirrors the dynamics of media-political parallelism typical of Ukrainian commercial television. The study also examines the roles of different actors—moderators, journalists, and politicians—in either restricting or facilitating populism in the talk show studios. The populism-related reactions collected during this analysis (n=145) are discussed through the prism of normative roles, with a focus on gatekeeping, interpretation, and initiation. Implications for the stakeholders involved in the process of production, moderation, and consumption of political talk shows are presented.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 32-43
Author(s):  
Ashraf Iqbal ◽  
Kishwer Perveen ◽  
Saima Waheed

Social Networking sites are highly used for political proposes. In this study, the research tried to search the usage of social media by political parties during elections campaigns 2018 in Pakistan. The researcher applied the agenda-setting theory to link the social media posts of these political parties' pages and content analysis research technique for analyzing the variables. It was concluded from the that these social media are highly used for mobilizing voters where the users of these mediums not only see these posts but also like, comment and share for responding about what is uploaded on these social media pages by the representatives of political parties. It is concluded that from three trending political parties, PTI emerged as the most dominant party by using these social media tools, by uploading a maximum number of posts, by mobilizing voters to vote for a specific political party.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Saima Andleeb

This research categorizes treatment model of political parties in of agenda setting and framing perspective in major TV news channels in Pakistan before the elections of May 2013. The prime time (7-11pm) of these channels for one month was selected for supervising, examining and organizing determinations of coverage of general elections by news channels in under the code of conduct and procedure of coverage set by regulators. The researcher conducted content analysis of prime time which includes headlines of news bulletin, talk shows and issued addressed in program content broadcast on TV channels during that time frame. Results of the study showed that all news channels failed to fulfill the fundamental obsessions of impartial balance and reasonable reporting of political parties and their nominated candidates. In this study as the analysis showed the conduct of the elections, though having eminent place in the state news plan, it devastatingly explained the major political parties.


Author(s):  
Laura Cervi ◽  
Carles Marín-Lladó

TikTok, already widely used before the pandemic, boomed during the quarantine that locked down large parts of the world, reaching 2 billion downloads and 800 million monthly active users worldwide by the end of 2020. Of these 800 million users, 41% are aged between 16 and 24 years. This social network, widely known for its entertainment videos, is increasingly becoming a place for political discussion and therefore a unique opportunity for political actors to (re)connect with young people. Acknowledging that the political uses of TikTok are still understudied, this paper aims to explore whether and how Spanish political parties are including TikTok as part of their communication strategy. Through an affordance-centered content analysis of all the posts published by the five most important Spanish political parties (PP, PSOE, Ciudadanos, Podemos, and Vox), the current results show that, although all Spanish political parties have adopted this platform, their usage is unequal. From a quantitative perspective, PP was the first party to open a TikTok account, but its usage has been discontinuous; Podemos and Ciudadanos are the parties that publish the most and most constantly, while Vox has only published nine posts and the PSOE one. Nonetheless, from a qualitative perspective, Podemos and Vox generate more engagement and seem to understand and exploit TikTok’s specific affordances better. The findings allow it to be concluded that, although globally Spanish political parties do not fully exploit the platform’s affordances and tend to use it as a unilateral tool for promotion, the most engaging posts are those favoring interaction and geared toward politainment.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Saima Andleeb

This research categorizes treatment model of political parties in of agenda setting and framing perspective in major TV news channels in Pakistan before the elections of May 2013. The prime time (7-11pm) of these channels for one month was selected for supervising, examining and organizing determinations of coverage of general elections by news channels in under the code of conduct and procedure of coverage set by regulators. The researcher conducted content analysis of prime time which includes headlines of news bulletin, talk shows and issued addressed in program content broadcast on TV channels during that time frame. Results of the study showed that all news channels failed to fulfill the fundamental obsessions of impartial balance and reasonable reporting of political parties and their nominated candidates. In this study as the analysis showed the conduct of the elections, though having eminent place in the state news plan, it devastatingly explained the major political parties.


Author(s):  
Agata Krzywdzińska

The aim of the article is to analyze the image of Poland on Russian state television in the context of the introduction of a new decommunization law in Poland. The subjects of qualitative analysis are Russian information and journalistic programs devoted to the demolition of Soviet soldiers‘ monuments in Poland. The author hypothesizes about a change in the provision of information and sharpening media narrative. The application of the content analysis of the presenters and guests‘ statements made it possible to obtain an answer on Poland‘s image and current level of political and social talk shows. Selected programs deal not only with the demolition of monuments to Soviet soldiers but are also devoted to current Russian-Polish political relations. The conclusions that can be drawn from the analysis of the programs indicate a significant increase in anti-Polish sentiments, intensified by the leading journalists. Political talk show programs spread a negative and biased picture of Poland in Russian society.


Author(s):  
Jane Suiter ◽  
Roderick Flynn

This chapter summarizes the development of the Irish media system through the lens of mediation and mediatization. It outlines the early strong state control of the broadcasting sector and the relatively quiescent attitude of many print journalists in the early days of development. It follows with a description of the growing influence of political actors and consequences of mass media logics which was at the core of late twentieth-century Irish democracy. Next, it describes the rise of digital communication technologies and the advent of social media, and the emergence of a hybrid media system that instigated a shift in power relations between politicians and journalists. Finally, it concludes with a focus on the challenges related to regulation of the social media environment and those related to supporting a quality information environment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 497-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Brummette ◽  
Marcia DiStaso ◽  
Michail Vafeiadis ◽  
Marcus Messner

Due to the importance of word choice in political discourse, this study explored the use of the term “fake news.” Using a social network analysis, content analysis, and cluster analysis, political characteristics of online networks that formed around discussions of “fake news” were examined. This study found that “fake news” is a politicized term where conversations overshadowed logical and important discussions of the term. Findings also revealed that social media users from opposing political parties communicate in homophilous environments and use “fake news” to disparage the opposition and condemn real information disseminated by the opposition party members.


Author(s):  
Samuel C. Woolley

Over the last several years political actors worldwide have begun harnessing the digital power of social bots — software programs designed to mimic human social media users on platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and Reddit. Increasingly, politicians, militaries, and government-contracted firms use these automated actors in online attempts to manipulate public opinion and disrupt organizational communication. Politicized social bots — here ‘political bots’ — are used to massively boost politicians’ follower levels on social media sites in attempts to generate false impressions of popularity. They are programmed to actively and automatically flood news streams with spam during political crises, elections, and conflicts in order to interrupt the efforts of activists and political dissidents who publicize and organize online. They are used by regimes to send out sophisticated computational propaganda. This paper conducts a content analysis of available media articles on political bots in order to build an event dataset of global political bot deployment that codes for usage, capability, and history. This information is then analyzed, generating a global outline of this phenomenon. This outline seeks to explain the variety of political bot-oriented strategies and presents details crucial to building understandings of these automated software actors in the humanities, social and computer sciences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511876120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Driscoll ◽  
Alex Leavitt ◽  
Kristen L. Guth ◽  
François Bar ◽  
Aalok Mehta

During the 2012 US presidential debates, more than five million connected viewers turned to social media to respond to the broadcast and talk politics with one another. Using a mixed-methods approach, this study examines the prevalence of humor and its relationship to visibility among connected viewers live-tweeting the debates. Based on a content analysis of tweets and accounts, we estimate that approximately one-fifth of the messages sent during the debates consisted of strictly humorous content. Using retweet frequency as a proxy for visibility, we found a positive relationship between the use of humor and the visibility of individual tweets. Not only was humor widespread in the discourse of connected viewers, but humorous messages enjoyed greater overall visibility. These findings suggest a strategic use of humor by political actors seeking greater shares of attention on social media.


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