scholarly journals “We Will not Get Another Chance if We Lose This Battle Now”: Populism on Ukrainian Television Political Talk Shows ahead of the Presidential Election in 2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-306
Author(s):  
Kostiantyn Yanchenko
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Talk Shows ◽  
Commercial Television ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Political Talk ◽  
Exploratory Inquiry

Against a background of increasing electoral support of populist political actors in Europe and beyond, this study offers an exploratory inquiry into modern Ukrainian populism. The article examines populist communication, broadcast on the most highly rated Ukrainian television political talk shows, on the eve of the 2019 presidential election, which was completed in two rounds. A qualitative content analysis of populist communication acts (n=283) shows that Ukrainian viewers were exposed to diverse political discourses containing empty, anti-elitist, emergency, and complete populism, depending on which channel(s) they watched. The dominance of one or another type of populism on the studied channels mirrors the dynamics of media-political parallelism typical of Ukrainian commercial television. The study also examines the roles of different actors—moderators, journalists, and politicians—in either restricting or facilitating populism in the talk show studios. The populism-related reactions collected during this analysis (n=145) are discussed through the prism of normative roles, with a focus on gatekeeping, interpretation, and initiation. Implications for the stakeholders involved in the process of production, moderation, and consumption of political talk shows are presented.

Framing the Ukraine crisis: A comparison between talk show debates in Russian and German television

2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Lichtenstein ◽  
Katharina Esau ◽  
Lena Pavlova ◽  
Dmitry Osipov ◽  
Nikita Argylov
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Talk Shows ◽  
The West ◽  
Talk Show ◽  
Political Talk ◽  
Peace Journalism ◽  
Ukraine Crisis ◽  
Constructive Journalism

This article examines the framing of the Ukraine crisis in German and Russian television political talk shows. Informed by peace journalism and constructive journalism, it investigates how Russian and German shows frame the Ukraine crisis and to what extent constructive and destructive frames are used. Qualitative content analysis of 20 shows (10 Russian and 10 German) enables examination of frame content and their constructive or destructive character. While constructive frames address situational causal interpretations and constructive problem treatments, destructive frames blame one party for the crisis and apply either no treatment or a destructive one. Findings reveal that shows in both countries provide different frames on both the situation inside Ukraine and international tensions between Russia and the West. While large parts of both strands of the debates are destructive in character, the country’s shows include more constructive frames in different periods of the crisis.

scholarly journals Populists Prefer Social Media Over Talk Shows: An Analysis of Populist Messages and Stylistic Elements Across Six Countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511882335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Ernst ◽  
Sina Blassnig ◽  
Sven Engesser ◽  
Florin Büchel ◽  
Frank Esser
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Talk Shows ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Stylistic Elements ◽  
Political Talk ◽  
Media Channels

For studying populism in a hybrid and high-choice media environment, the comparison of various media channels is especially instructive. We argue that populism-related communication is a combination of key messages (content) and certain stylistic devices (form), and we compare their utilization by a broad range of political actors on Facebook, Twitter, and televised talk shows across six countries (CH, DE, FR, IT, UK, and US). We conducted a content analysis of social media and talk show statements ( N = 2067) from 31 parties during a nonelection period of 3 months in 2015. We place special emphasis on stylistic devices and find that they can be grouped into three dimensions—equivalent to three dimensions used for populist key messages. We further find that political parties are generally more inclined to use populism-related communication on Facebook and Twitter than in political talk shows and that both new challenger parties and extreme parties use higher amounts of populist key messages and style elements.

scholarly journals WUJUD PERSUASI DAN RESPON KAUM MILENIAL DI MEDIA SOSIAL FACEBOOK PADA PILPRES 2019 (THE FORM OF PERSUASION AND MILENNIALS RESPOND IN FACEBOOK SOCIAL MEDIA IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Indrawati Indrawati
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Data Analysis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Data Checking ◽  
Existing Data

The Form of Persuasion and Milennials Respon in Facebook Social Media inPresidential Election 2019. This research aims to reveal how the persuasion andresponse of millennials on social media Facebook in the 2019 presidentialelection. This research uses methods of qualitative content analysis. The data theauthor takes is data on Facebook social media from February to April 2019. Formof data in the form of sentences that have a persuasion message used by millennialson social media Facebook in the presidential election 2019. The source of thisresearch data observations directly on social media Facebook which thenresearchers Screenshoot. Data analysis is done in several ways, namely: (1)Observation of the sentence upload on Facebook social media, (2) reading andunderstanding sentences that have a persuasion meaning, (3) grouping,identifying, and analyzing existing data, (4) Conclude the results of researchanalysis. Data analysis is done during and after the data is collected. This researchimplements triangulation and data checking to obtain the validity of data. Basedon the research, there are several form of persuasion in uploading sentences ofmillennials in facebook social media in presidential election 2019. Thatpersuasion form are: (1) persuasion form and millennials respond with strongarguments, (2) persuasion form and respond with neutral arguments, (3)persuasion form and millennials respond with weak arguments, (4) persuasionform and millennials respond with peripheral.Key words: persuasion, milenialls, facebook social media AbstrakWujud Persuasi dan Respon Kaum Milenial di Media Sosial Facebook padaPilpres 2019. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengungkapkan bagaimana wujud persuasidan respon kaum milenial di media sosial facebook pada pilpres 2019. Penelitianini menggunakan metode analisis isi kualitatif. Data yang penulis ambil adalahdata yang terdapat di media sosial facebook dari bulan Februari sampai denganApril 2019. Wujud data berupa kalimat yang memiliki pesan persuasi yang dipakaikaum milenial di media sosial facebook pada pilpres 2019. Sumber data penelitianini pengamatan langsung di media sosial facebook yang kemudian penelitiscreenshoot. Analisis data dilakukan dengan beberapa cara, yaitu: (1)pengamatan terhadap unggahan kalimat di media sosial facebook, (2) membacadan memahami kalimat yang memiliki makna persuasi, (3) mengelompokkan,mengidentifikasi, dan menganalisis data yang ada, (4) menyimpulkan hasilanalisis penelitian. Analisis data dilakukan selama dan setelah data terkumpul.Penelitian ini menerapkan triangulasi dan pengecekan data untuk memperolehkeabsahan data. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, ditemukan beberapa wujudpersuasi dalam kalimat unggahan kaum mileniual di media sosial facebook padapilpres 2019. Wujud persuasi tersebut meliputi: (1) Wujud persuasi dan responkaum milenial dengan argumen kuat (strong argumens); (2) Wujud persuasi danrespon kaum milenial dengan argumen netral (neutral argumens);(3) Wujudpersuasi dan respon kaum milenial dengan argumen lemah (weak argumens); dan(4) wujud persuasi dan respon kaum milenial dengan argumen sampingan(peripheral).Kata-kata kunci: persuasi, kaum milenial, media sosial facebook

scholarly journals Obraz Polski w rosyjskiej telewizji

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agata Krzywdzińska
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Current Level ◽  
Talk Shows ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Talk Show ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Political Talk

The aim of the article is to analyze the image of Poland on Russian state television in the context of the introduction of a new decommunization law in Poland. The subjects of qualitative analysis are Russian information and journalistic programs devoted to the demolition of Soviet soldiers‘ monuments in Poland. The author hypothesizes about a change in the provision of information and sharpening media narrative. The application of the content analysis of the presenters and guests‘ statements made it possible to obtain an answer on Poland‘s image and current level of political and social talk shows. Selected programs deal not only with the demolition of monuments to Soviet soldiers but are also devoted to current Russian-Polish political relations. The conclusions that can be drawn from the analysis of the programs indicate a significant increase in anti-Polish sentiments, intensified by the leading journalists. Political talk show programs spread a negative and biased picture of Poland in Russian society.

Justification and knowledge

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-344
Author(s):  
Hamideh Molaei
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
News Media ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Primary Objective ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Political Talk ◽  
Opinion Expression ◽  
High Level

Abstract Everyday political talk, a significant type of political participation, is an important democratic activity. In this regard, the primary objective of this paper is to investigate the level of justification and knowledge in Indonesians’ informal political talk on Facebook. While previous studies addressed different aspects of informal political discussions such as their impact on political knowledge, influence on public opinion expression and relationship with news media use, they do not provide guidelines for analysing the modality of them. This study proposes an analytical framework for examining the users’ level of justification and knowledge. A qualitative content analysis reveals that only a small number of comments had a high level of justification and knowledge. In addition, some indications of the influence of Indonesian mainstream news media content were found on people’s arguments in discussions.

Towards a Post-radical Front National? Patterns of Ideological Change and dédiabolisation on the French Radical Right

2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitri Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Front National ◽  
Campaign Management ◽  
Marine Le Pen ◽  
Campaign Speeches ◽  
Ideological Change

Academic analyses of the French radical right tend to converge in their assessment that, since Marine Le Pen took over the campaign management of the 2007 presidential election and succeeded her father as party president, the Front National has undergone a path of image change and ideological deradicalization or, at least, that most radical and polemic stances have been toned down. Demonstrating that ideological change must be understood as a complex and multiform process, this article examines whether the dédiabolisation preached by Marine Le Pen has led to the emergence of a post-radical Front National. The analysis is based on a qualitative content analysis of campaign speeches and programmatic documents produced between 2007 and June 2012. The results reveal that, rather than an all-encompassing deradicalization, the FN has undergone a process of selective moderation, issue reframing and integration of republican lieux de mémoire accompanied by a radicalization of its programmatic responses to European integration.

scholarly journals Neither conflict, no concord: Performing ideology in contemporary Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-355
Author(s):  
Aleksei V. Loginov ◽  
◽  
Dmitry V. Rudenkin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
The Core ◽  
Classical State ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Normative Foundation ◽  
Ideological Struggle

Authors interpret the results achieved by analyzing the content of Russian political parties’ manifestos that managed to enter the State Duma after 2011 and 2016 elections. Our conceptual framework is based on Immanuel Wallerstein’s assumption that only three ideologies—liberalism, conservatism and socialism — were the key ones to 20 th century experience and, hence, that any particular ideology might be reduced to that list. Firstly, we build a matrix of content analysis to analyze texts of officially published political parties’ programs. As a result we could show that values at the core of any program at any stage were hybrid in nature and that there was increase in liberal rhetoric in 2016. Further we interpret the empirical results by applying both classical (M. Seliger) and modern (J. Schwartzmantel) models of ideology. By using Seliger’s conception of ideology we demonstrate that our political parties choose not to defend the coherent value core of their programs in order to fulfill ‘technical’ task of generating sufficient electoral support. Schwartzmantel’s idea that neo-liberalism as a “classical” state-oriented ideology is attacked by a plenty of non-classical, network-organized ideologies nowadays does not fit our reality, because there is no. pronounced opposition between neo-liberal and critical political discourses. Thus, we argue there is no. normative foundation either for conflict or concord among ideological projects and, moreover, that ideological struggle on the Russian political arena has left classical political domain. It requires social sciences to renew its methodological implements for analyzing ideology properly, while philosophy faces with self-description challenge.

scholarly journals HOW DO TRADITIONAL MEDIA INCORPORATE STATEMENTS FROM POLITICAL ACTORS IN SOCIAL MEDIA? An analysis of the framing of Jair Bolsonaro’s tweets in Brazilian journalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-177
Author(s):  
Isabele Mitozo ◽  
Gabriella Da Costa ◽  
Carla Rodrigues
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Descriptive Statistics ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
Chi Square ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Chi Square Test ◽  
Interpretive Frames

This paper analyzes how three of Brazil’s largest national newspapers (Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, O Globo) addressed tweets from the President of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, in the first four months of his government. The methodology consists of a qualitative content analysis of the news motivated by the president’s publications on Twitter, as well as the messages themselves, in order to identify the framing adopted by said newspapers and whether that framing fits the approach of Bolsonaro. Moreover, the study uses descriptive statistics (Chi-square test) to identify links between the following pairs of variables: issues and frames, months and issues, months and frames. The data is composed of 351 news pieces collected from these media’s websites. The results show that conflict and moral were the issues that media covered the most concerning Bolsonaro’s tweets, and the newspapers used news and interpretive frames equally.O artigo analisa como os tweets do presidente Jair Bolsonaro que pautaram três dos maiores jornais de circulação nacional no Brasil (Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, O Globo), nos quatro primeiros meses de governo, foram abordados pelo jornalismo. A metodologia consiste na análise de conteúdo qualitativa das notícias motivadas pelas publicações do presidente na referida rede, assim como dessas próprias mensagens, a fim de identificar o enquadramento que os jornais adotaram e se ele condizia com a abordagem de Bolsonaro. A pesquisa lança mão de estatística descritiva (Qui-quadrado) para identificar associações entre os seguintes pares de variáveis: temas e frames, temas e meses, meses e frames. Foram analisadas 351 notícias, coletadas dos webportais dos referidos jornais. Pode-se afirmar que conflito e moral foram os temas dos tweets que mais receberam atenção dos jornais, que utilizaram equilibradamente frames noticiosos e interpretativos na abordagem das mensagens analisadas.El artículo analiza cómo los tweets del presidente de Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro, que se presentaron en tres de los periódicos nacionales más grandes de Brasil (Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo y O Globo), en los primeros cuatro meses de gobierno, fueron cubiertos por el periodismo. La metodología consiste en un análisis de contenido cualitativo de las noticias motivadas por las publicaciones del presidente en Twitter, y estos propios mensajes, para identificar el marco que adoptaron los periódicos y si se ajusta al enfoque de Bolsonaro. La investigación utiliza estadísticas descriptivas (Chi-cuadrado) para identificar asociaciones entre “temas y marcos”, “temas y meses”, “meses y marcos”. Se analizaron 351 artículos de noticias, que se recopilaron de los sitios web de estos medios. Conflicto y moral fueron los temas de los tweets que recibieron la mayor atención de los periódicos, que utilizaron equilibradamente los marcos noticiosos y interpretativos en el enfoque de los mensajes.

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