Quality of governance and regime support

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chong-Min Park

In this article I examine public evaluations of quality of governance in East Asia and analyze the effects of perceived governance quality on regime support. I distinguish between two modes of governance, democratic and law-based, and examine which mode of governance matters. It was found that East Asian democracies suffered various governance deficits in the eyes of their publics. It was also revealed that a weak rule of law remained the most notable governance malaise across much of the region. The micro-level analysis shows that perceived quality of governance shaped regime allegiance and institutional confidence but not all aspects of governance mattered. It was shown that law-based governance served as the major source of regime support regardless of regime types. On the whole, public support for the prevailing system of government across much of the region depended on quality of law-based governance as well as national economic performance. Yet, evidence indicates that democratic governance encourages citizen skepticism of the ongoing political order, supporting the thesis of assertive citizenship. Overall, the findings suggest that establishing a strong rule of law constitutes one of the major challenges to regime consolidation across much of East Asia.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Kolczynska ◽  
Paul - Christian Bürkner

Social scientists can choose from among multiple quality of governance indicators which use different conceptualizations of governance and its components, rely on different data sources, and employ different aggregation and scaling techniques. Despite all differences, these indicators are commonly found to be strongly correlated, which makes the choice of indicator for a given analysis seem inconsequential. We demonstrate that the correlations between governance indicators are indeed high when comparing across countries or using pooled country-year data sets, but are surprisingly low -- sometimes even negative -- within countries. Given the increased interest of researchers in longitudinal analyses with country time series, low agreement between country time trends in the quality of governance is concerning. We illustrate the problem with an analysis of the effect of rule of law on support for democracy, which leads to opposite conclusions depending on which measure of rule of law is used.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCUS AGNAFORS

Concepts such as “quality of government” and “good governance” refer to a desired character of the exercise of public authority. Recently the interest in good governance, the quality of government, and similar concepts has increased considerably. However, despite this increasing interest and use, an adequate definition of the concept of quality of government has proved difficult to find. This article criticizes recent attempts at such a definition and proposes an alternative, more complex definition that includes moral content and also encompasses a plurality of values and virtues at its core. An acceptable definition of the quality of governance must be consistent with the demands of a public ethos, the virtues of good decision making and reason giving, the rule of law, efficiency, stability, and a principle of beneficence. The article describes these components in detail and the relations among them.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Demush Bajrami ◽  
MA. Amir Mustafai

This paper analyzes the quality of governance and financial assistance as key determinants for successful functioning of the process of integration within the European Union (EU). Moreover, the paper develops a comparison of the Western Balkans with current EU members and the forthcoming, on the basis of the selected indicators of governance (rule of law, democracy, corruption, political stability, and effectiveness of state) with the experience of the implementation of the reforms of public administration. Various surveys show that the Western Balkans, by all quality of governance indicators, especially in the rule of law, lags behind 28 (twenty eight) of the current EU countries (without taking in account the Great Britain). The low level of the functioning of rule of law, combined with inadequate and unreformed public administration is potentially the biggest obstacle in the association agreement of the Western Balkans with EU, but also as challenge in achieving sustainable social and economic development.Whereas in the case of the Western Balkan countries, there is an obvious difference between proclaiming and internal reality, which is further compounded by a difficult political and economic transition, as well as in social domain - where poverty and corruption are the most worrying. The research data obtained from independent bodies - academic and research institutions, civil society and international organizations - confirm this controversial picture of the Western Balkans. Negative attitudes still prevail in Western Balkans political elites and if given the chance to political manipulation, may behave unpredictably. All this makes it obligatory to make a comparative overview, for depicting in particular the quality of governance as sine qua non for the Western Balkans countries‘ integration in EU. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu You ◽  
Zhengxu Wang

AbstractThe Internet has played important roles in driving political changes around the world. Why does it help to topple political regimes in some places but improve the quality of governance in others? We found Internet usage in general leads to citizens’ distrust in political institutions. Different political environments, however, can condition such trust-eroding impacts of the Internet in significantly different ways. A democracy enables citizens to connect their online behaviors and offline expression and organization, releasing political discontent while facilitating state–society communication. On the contrary, by restricting various forms of off-line expression, authoritarian regimes drive Internet-active citizens' discontent and distrust to higher levels. We use the World Values Survey data to establish these different mechanisms across democracies and authoritarian systems. Entropy balancing shows our findings to be highly robust.


2016 ◽  
Vol 228 ◽  
pp. 859-880 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce J. Dickson ◽  
Pierre F. Landry ◽  
Mingming Shen ◽  
Jie Yan

AbstractWhy do authoritarian regimes try to improve the quality of their governance? In the absence of democratic institutions to monitor, reward and punish their performance, authoritarian politicians are normally expected to seek their self-interest through corruption and rewards to cronies, rather than providing for the public welfare. However, the Chinese state has actively promoted improved governance in recent years, with greater attention to quality of life issues to balance the primary focus on sustaining rapid economic growth. This paper analyses intra-national variation in the provision of public goods in urban China and the impact of public goods on regime support. Does better governance lead to higher levels of public support for the regime, even in the absence of democratic elections? Our evidence suggests that it does, with a greater impact for the local level than for the centre.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172090381
Author(s):  
Matthew Rhodes-Purdy

Many scholars assume that policy performance determines popular support for political systems. Yet in the wake of recent economic crises, patterns of performance and regime support have diverged in many countries, and popular perceptions of performance often fail to reflect the actual quality of governance. To resolve these paradoxes, I draw on recent scholarship on regime support and procedural fairness. I show that strong voice (the ability of citizens to influence political outcomes and a key element of procedural justice in democracies) influences regime support in a way not accounted for in this literature: by moderating the relationship between policy performance and perceptions of performance. These findings show that people will evaluate equivalent outcomes more favorably if they are produced using fair procedures. As performance has long been shown to positively influence support, procedural justice has an additional, indirect influence on people’s attitudes toward political systems.


Author(s):  
W. Andy Knight

This chapter examines the UN’s role in promoting and encouraging democracy and good governance. The world organizations is in a pivotal position to help promote and strengthen the global norm that posits that democracy validates the quality of governance today. In order to be considered ‘democratic,’ governments should not only hold periodic free and fair elections and demonstrate the ability to govern inclusively and humanely. In addition, they should also respect human rights and the rule of law. Concurrently, the chapter argues that the UN should practice what it preaches and address its own democratic deficit, even as it helps to strengthen democracy at the national level.


2014 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 1201-1240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suraj Srinivasan ◽  
Aida Sijamic Wahid ◽  
Gwen Yu

ABSTRACT We study the frequency of restatements by foreign firms listed on U.S. exchanges. We find that the restatement rate of U.S.-listed foreign firms is significantly lower than that of comparable U.S. firms and that the difference depends on the firm's home country characteristics. Foreign firms from countries with a weak rule of law are less likely to restate than are firms from strong rule of law countries. While the lower rate of restatements can represent an absence of errors, it can also indicate a lack of detection and disclosure of errors and irregularities. We infer the effect of detection and disclosure by associating the frequency of restatements with the quality of the firm's internal control system. We find that only U.S. firms and foreign firms from strong rule of law countries show a positive association between restatement frequency and internal control weaknesses. Firms from weak rule of law countries show no significant association. We interpret these findings as home country enforcement affecting firms' likelihood of detecting and reporting existing accounting misstatements. This suggests that for U.S.-listed foreign firms, less frequent restatements can be a signal of opportunistic reporting rather than a lack of accounting errors and irregularities.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Samet Dalipi

Peace building, as part of conflict resolution strategy, is challenged by several internal factors with socio-economic, political, governmental nature, and factors coming from outside the country and violent past under governance of ex Yugoslavia/Serbia. This process becomes more difficult by the transition from socialist to free economy.Kosovo independence undermines taking responsibilities by institutions on peace building perspective which will bring to the gradual reconciliation with neighbors, including Serbia. Growing authoritarian tendencies on decision making mechanisms chock already existing fragile democracy. Enhancing the rule of law and system of justice will create a good basement for elimination of corruption and increase the quality of governance as strengthening elements of the social peace and reconciliation between the communities inside Kosovo.                              Even that, Kosovo institutions have made huge efforts in building the state mechanisms in preparation for the country’s independence phase. Rise of care in the rule of law, legislation implementation, efforts for combating corruption as a major source of state vulnerability, democratic institution building, and economic development, will be the challenges faced Kosovo’s future.


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