scholarly journals The Translating Subject beyond Borders

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Sung-jun Son

Abstract In the early twentieth century, the political environments of China, Japan, and Korea were heterogeneous, encompassing various discourses and orientations. Using biographies of George Washington, this article examines the particularities of the texts created through such translations. In relay translations of biographies of Washington, Fukuyama Yoshiharu 福山義春 (Japanese, published 1900) sought an ideal model of Confucian ethics; Ding Jin 丁錦 (Chinese, published 1903) represented Washington as a strong warrior who won independence after a long fight; and Yi Haejo 李海朝 (Korean, published 1908) offered a portrait in which the warrior figure recedes and the Confucian image is again reinforced. Despite the gap between the political environments of Japan and Korea and the absence of a direct connection between them, Fukuyama's and Yi's editions share more overlapping features with each other than with Ding's. Properly recognizing and highlighting individual translation and adaptation practices that do not converge on the norms of national discourse will expand the horizons of the national discourse itself.

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
Serhii Svitlenko

The relevance of this topic is seen in the fact that its study provides an opportunity to deepen the understanding of the underdeveloped problem of perpetuating the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko – a symbol of the Ukrainian nation's struggle for social and national freedom as an important factor in opposing the imperial regime. Tsarism by methods of ideological, gendarmerie-police, censorship pressure in every way prevented the activation of conscious Ukrainians in the early twentieth century. The aim of the study is to study the perpetuation of the memory of Taras Shevchenko in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region in the early twentieth century. The results of the article are that based on the study of archival and published documents, journalistic materials of the press and memoirs, various methods of legal and illegal activity of the Ukrainian national movement in preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko were reconstructed. It is emphasized that the progressive public widely celebrated the 40th anniversary of Kobzar's death in the press. In the early twentieth century Ukrainian activists raised the issue of erecting a monument to Shevchenko, continued the tradition of visiting the tomb of the Ukrainian poet, tried to perpetuate his memory in toponymy, participated in Shevchenko's memorial services, resorted to illegal gatherings in honor of Kobzar, mentioned him during meetings and communication in among the intelligentsia. The originality and scientific novelty of the article in the production and development of insufficiently researched plot on historical Shevchenko studies, actualization and conceptualization of various concrete-historical material. Conclusions were made on various forms and methods of struggle to preserve the memory of Taras Shevchenko, which contributed to the establishment of national consciousness among Ukrainians, strengthened the political tendency in the Ukrainian national movement.


Author(s):  
William K. Malcolm

Mitchell’s first two novels are examined as works deploying the medium of imaginative literature for introspection and analysis of his own past. In reverse chronological order they recreate the narrative of his childhood and early adulthood, in the course of which they present a state of the nation critique of early twentieth century Britain. The forthright verisimilitude of the social realism is in keeping with the philosophical nihilism prevailing in the inter-war years, with the political responses of mainstream parties and of radical splinter groups such as the Anarchocommunist Party appearing unable to change society for the better. Mitchell’s technical experimentation with metafiction and intertextuality indicates the scale of his literary ambition, while his proto-feminist sympathies are marked by his reliance on female protagonists.


Inner Asia ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergei Panarin ◽  
Viktor Shnirelman

AbstractThis paper takes a critical look at the work of the extraordinarily popular historian Lev Gumilev. Writing in late Soviet times, Gumilev has become virtually a cult figure in Russia after his death. He took up the ideas of the Eurasianists of the early twentieth century, according to whom Russia's destiny is to be a Eurasian power, and he reconfigured them as a ‘scientific’ theory of ethnos. The ethnos is supposed to be a ‘biological’ entity determined by its place in the natural environment, but at the same time, inspired by a few innovative leaders, each ‘ethnos’ has its special time of intense flowering (which Gumilev called ‘passionary’). The article examines the contradictions in Gumilev's theories and its methodological flaws. It endswith a discussion of the political implications ofGumilev's popularity in post-Socialist Russia. He is not only admired by semi-educated people but is also legitimised by sections of the academy (a university is named after him in Kazakhstan). It is argued that his work lends a spurious credence to nationalismand anti-semitism.


Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 


Author(s):  
Stefanie Affeldt

This historical chapter investigates two examples of racist political consumerism in early-twentieth-century Australia. It found expression in a locally particular form known as the White Sugar campaign, which declared consumption of cane sugar a moral duty for everyone in support of White Australia. Meanwhile, the Buy Australian-Made campaign called on Australian consumers to express their national pride by consuming locally manufactured products. Both campaigns drew on broader logics of commodity racism that, praising white supremacy and subscribing to ideologies of national progress, welded together everyday culture with the political programme of the time and contributed to the emergence of an imagined racist community of consumers.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Tom Villis

G. K. Chesterton's anti-Semitism has attracted much scholarly attention, but his views on Islam have largely passed without comment. This article situates Chesterton's writings in relation to historical views of Islam in Britain and the political, cultural and religious context of the early twentieth century. Chesterton's complex and contradictory opinions fail to support easy conclusions about the immutability of prejudice across time. His views of Islam are at times orientalist and at other times critical of imperialism and elitism. As well as drawing on medieval Catholic ideas about the “heresy” of Islam, Chesterton also links Islam with Protestant Christianity. From another perspective, his views of Islam draw on liberal traditions of humanitarian interventionism and democratic patriotism. Finally, he also used Islam as a symbol of a corroding modernity. This study suggests the need for a historically sensitive genealogy of the evolution of anti-Muslim prejudice which is not predetermined by the politics of the early twenty-first century.


Author(s):  
Mikhail Simov

rule. Against the present geopolitical situation on the Balkans and in the context of Bulgarian-Russian relations, 3 March — the day when the San Stefano Peace Treaty of 1878 was signed which is also Bulgaria’s national holiday — customarily precipitates political comments and controversial statements of government officials. While Bulgarian-Russian political relations in the last quarter of the nineteenth century were rather complicated, they became the backdrop of the shaping of the tradition of celebrating the Liberation Day; the commemorative activities and interpretation of the day’s significance were closely interwoven with the political trends and the ambitions of the governments in Sofia. The paper examines the process of establishing the tradition of celebrating the Liberation Day in Bulgaria in the context of the dynamics of the Bulgarian-Russian political relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century


Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald

This chapter begins by reflecting on various reactions Joyce’s Finnegans Wake provoked during its long gestation, looking in detail at H. G. Wells, T. S. Eliot, Eugene Jolas, and C. K. Ogden. After explaining why it is important to consider the Wake’s place in intellectual history, it focuses on three traditions from which Joyce derived inspiration: the political thinking of the late nineteenth century, reflected in the writings of the Russian anarchist Léon Metchnikoff (1838–88); the linguistic thinking of the early twentieth century, as manifest in the work of the Danish linguist Otto Jespersen (1860–1943); and the philosophical thinking also of the early twentieth century, associated with the Austro-Hungarian journalist, novelist, and philosopher Fritz Mauthner (1849–1923). The chapter concludes by considering the Wake’s various lessons in reading, the centrality it accords to writing, and the bearing this has on how we think about language, culture, community, and the state.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-136

This chapter concerns the larger political, social, and religious setting in which Vera Vasilevskaia and Elena Men lived. It provides a more intimate picture of the political and social framework of the early twentieth century and later Stalinist times in which the descriptions and analyses are intensely personal and evocative. It also illustrates the school system in late tsarist Russia and educational practices, their classmates, and their teachers in the 1920s that had a lifelong influence. The writings of Vera and Elena are transparent about their struggles, presenting a first-hand view of family life, society, and religious quest in Russia during the revolutionary years, the 1920s, the Second World War, and the late 1940s. The chapter notes how Vera and Elena wrote for the “desk drawer” with the intention of keeping a personal record of their experiences with catacomb priests and the community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Onur Öner

This study addresses the social history of music in early twentieth-century Ottoman Istanbul. The paper argues that private music schools were at the center of transformations in music and that their history is profoundly related to the political crises the Ottoman state experienced after the turn of the twentieth century. More precisely, by approaching the Ottoman bureaucracy from a musical perspective, the paper tries to link the reorganization of the Ottoman bureaucracy in 1909 with the emergence of private music schools in Istanbul. To explore the process, the paper follows some official functionaries’ career paths to explain their concentration in these schools. In contrast to conventional historiography, the aim is to emphasise that out of the political crises, private music schools emerged as a new ground in music. By paying limited attention to musical aspects, the study will mainly address the social roles these schools occupied in Ottoman urban life. They were practically social organizations, whose members pursued common goals. Collective action, such a fundamental shift of mindset on the part of the musicians, facilitated the advancement of the status of musicians in Ottoman urban society and decreased uncertainty about the future of the profession. Moreover, the institutional identity provided by the schools changed the place of women in music by increasing their visibility as music teachers and performers.


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