scholarly journals Υγεία και ασφάλεια των εργαζομένων στην Ελλάδα, το ευρωπαϊκό ρυθμιστικό πλαίσιο και η εθνική εφαρμογή του

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Κωνσταντίνος Ζ. Μέκος

<p>This article examines the institutional framework regulating health and safety at work in Greece. The analysis reveals that the regulations oncerning occupational health and safety are mainly of European origin, since national legislation is<br />harmonized with the Community Directives. On the other hand, the enforcement mechanisms of the legislation between member-states hardly<br />converge, since the public administration of each country still operates with its own functions and procedures. The organizational structure and history of each enforcement mechanism are of great importance, while its independence from<br />the government is essential for its impartiality. The European Social Charter is also mentioned in the article, though its significance is deemed to be limited up to now.</p>

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Κωνσταντίνος Μέκος

<p>This article examines the institutional framework<br />regulating health and safety at work in Greece.<br />The analysis reveals that the regulations concerning<br />occupational health and safety are mainly<br />of European origin, since national legislation is<br />harmonized with the Community Directives. On<br />the other hand, the enforcement mechanisms of<br />the legislation between member-states hardly<br />converge, since the public administration of each<br />country still operates with its own functions and<br />procedures. The organizational structure and<br />history of each enforcement mechanism are of<br />great importance, while its independence from<br />the government is essential for its impartiality.<br />The European Social Charter is also mentioned in<br />the article, though its significance is deemed to<br />be limited up to now.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Walter Takaha Penetito

<p>The history of the relationship between Maori (the indigenous minority) and Pakeha (the dominant majority) is one that is encapsulated in processes of mediation. Pakeha resolve issues that favour kawanatanga solutions (article 1 of the Treaty) while Maori recommendations almost always line up with solutions that uphold questions to do with tino rangatiratanga (article 2 of the Treaty). Each takes into account forms of accommodation of the other but these compromise positions are usually the tasks for the public servants who are by definition, working for the government of the day, and therefore, on the side of kawanatanga. The point of articulation is critical in the nature of the relationship between Maori and Pakeha. The legal academic, Alex Frame (2002) describes this position as important for those New Zealanders "who have tried to walk in both worlds, thereby not only honouring and strengthening their own and each other's cultures, but also bringing to life a third and co-existing culture of interaction in Aotearoa". A study of a variety of mediating structures, explores the relationship between Maori and Pakeha and analyses the effects these have on both parties, especially as these pertain to developments in Maori education. An approach to settling the conundrum of prioritising one agenda without creating new grievances for redress is argued throughout the study. It is argued, further, that a major re-think is needed of what an education will mean in order to meet the requirements of a contemporary Polynesian/Western society that both honours the tenets of its foundation document as well as providing a rational basis for meeting commitments in the modern global society.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (208) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Beatriz Pereira de Souza Rosa ◽  
Antonio José Domingos Dantas ◽  
Carolina Bonance dos Santos ◽  
Thayane dos Santos Dias

Brazil is a country characterized by a long history of conflict between the public and the private, the patrimonialist practice rooted in politics, and consequently the state and municipal institutions, is extremely harmful to the socioeconomic development of the country. Administrative influence is everything that the executive and the administrative bodies of the other powers exert on their own activities, aiming to keep them within the law, according to the needs of the service and the technical requirements of its realization, so it is a control of legality, convenience and efficiency. The methodology used proposes that, in order to add the proposed objective of analyzing and describing basic principles of public administration in Brazil; under these three aspects, administrative control can and must be operated, so that public activity achieves its purpose efficiently, which is the complete fulfillment of collective interests by the administration in general.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Walter Takaha Penetito

<p>The history of the relationship between Maori (the indigenous minority) and Pakeha (the dominant majority) is one that is encapsulated in processes of mediation. Pakeha resolve issues that favour kawanatanga solutions (article 1 of the Treaty) while Maori recommendations almost always line up with solutions that uphold questions to do with tino rangatiratanga (article 2 of the Treaty). Each takes into account forms of accommodation of the other but these compromise positions are usually the tasks for the public servants who are by definition, working for the government of the day, and therefore, on the side of kawanatanga. The point of articulation is critical in the nature of the relationship between Maori and Pakeha. The legal academic, Alex Frame (2002) describes this position as important for those New Zealanders "who have tried to walk in both worlds, thereby not only honouring and strengthening their own and each other's cultures, but also bringing to life a third and co-existing culture of interaction in Aotearoa". A study of a variety of mediating structures, explores the relationship between Maori and Pakeha and analyses the effects these have on both parties, especially as these pertain to developments in Maori education. An approach to settling the conundrum of prioritising one agenda without creating new grievances for redress is argued throughout the study. It is argued, further, that a major re-think is needed of what an education will mean in order to meet the requirements of a contemporary Polynesian/Western society that both honours the tenets of its foundation document as well as providing a rational basis for meeting commitments in the modern global society.</p>


Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.


Author(s):  
Olga Mykhailоvna Ivanitskaya

The article is devoted to issues of ensuring transparency and ac- countability of authorities in the conditions of participatory democracy (democ- racy of participation). It is argued that the public should be guaranteed not only the right for access to information but also the prerequisites for expanding its par- ticipation in state governance. These prerequisites include: the adoption of clearly measurable macroeconomic and social goals and the provision of control of the processes of their compliance with the government by citizens of the country; ex- tension of the circle of subjects of legislative initiative due to realization of such rights by citizens and their groups; legislative definition of the forms of citizens’ participation in making publicly significant decisions, design of relevant orders and procedures, in particular participation in local referendum; outlining methods and procedures for taking into account social thought when making socially im- portant decisions. The need to disclose information about resources that are used by authorities to realize the goals is proved as well as key performance indicators that can be monitored by every citizen; the efforts made by governments of coun- tries to achieve these goals. It was noted that transparency in the conditions of representative democracy in its worst forms in a society where ignorance of the thought of society and its individual members is ignored does not in fact fulfill its main task — to establish an effective dialogue between the authorities and so- ciety. There is a distortion of the essence of transparency: instead of being heard, society is being asked to be informed — and passively accept the facts presented as due. In fact, transparency and accountability in this case are not instruments for the achievement of democracy in public administration, but by the form of a tacit agreement between the subjects of power and people, where the latter passes the participation of an “informed observer”.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Muhammad Husnul Maab ◽  
Shadu S. Wijaya ◽  
Zaula Rizqi Atika ◽  
Denok Kurniasih

The emergence of rural community owned enterprises khown as BUMDes has been in line with evolution of public administration pradigm, from OPA to NPM who implemented in local government. Local potency development becomes a substantial aspect to improving local competitiveness. Hence, BUMDes formation is one of the models financial capacity to develop local potency in rural level. The aim is comparing traditional and public enterprise based management in local potency management. The results show that there is a fundamental difference in the management of local potency in rural level. Consequently, We argue that has been on the right track, the evolution of the government business model to the public enterprise for the management of local potency in rural level. Evolution of BUMDes is from a bureaucratic to the business sector model, but as a social business not profit maximizing businesses.


Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Pamela A Gibson

To have a dis/ability opens the possibilities for seeing (understanding) something different because of difference in the disabled’s lens or worldview. Public administration is awash in self-doubt, discomfort and confusion. As it struggles with setting, moving and removing academic boundaries of the discipline, public administration reveals its own dyslexia. The disabling of public administration offers a view from the balcony (or orchestra pit) granting a greater appreciation of ‘the other’ in the public administration student, public administration theory and public administration practices. The dyslexic individual and institution can suffer and celebrate contradiction, paradox, irony, and other delimiting arenas of learning without resistance. Successful learning and understanding can come not in spite of but because of apparent disabilities.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


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