CONCEPT Of “FINNO-UGRIC WORLD”: CENTRIFUGAL TRENDS AND IMPACT ON HOME AND FOREIGN POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-234
Author(s):  
Волкова ◽  
Alina Volkova

In the article the stages of institutionalization of the key united organizations of the Finno-Ugric world are examined. The impact on the process of identification of the peoples living on the territory of the national republics of the Volga region, Karelia and others from the countries of Western Europe is shown. The viability of the concept "Finno-Ugric world" in modern Russian Federation is revealed . The use of "soft power" in the development of the concept "Finno-Ugric world" is presented.

2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


Author(s):  
V. Bashynskyi ◽  
H. Pievtsov ◽  
P. Openko ◽  
A. Kozyr

The beginning of the XXI century was characterized by the emergence of a new type of war – information one, when victory is achieved not by destroying the armed forces and the economy of the enemy, but through the impact on his moral and psychological condition. In modern conflicts, methods based on the integrated application of political, economic, informational and other non-military measures based on military force are increasingly used. The combination of these methods is implemented in the concept of hybrid warfare, the leading idea of which consists in achieving political goals with minimal military influence on the enemy through the use of modern information technology based on "soft power" and "hard power". The peculiarity of such a war is that it is conducted in disguise using mostly non-linear tactics and is not aimed at capturing the entire territory of the country, although it is possible to take control of partial territories, but to obtain patronage over the state, which is achieved through influence on the population, politics, business, law-enforcement agencies. A striking example of the implementation of the concept of hybrid war is the actions of the Russian Federation (hereinafter - Russia) against Ukraine. At the same time, Russia's "hybrid policy" is not limited to Ukraine. It also covers Europe and the United States, the EU and NATO. In order to analyze the development of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia in the period up to 2035, an analysis was made on the development of the information aspect of relations between Ukraine and other influential regional and world actors on the development of the situation around Ukraine. In preparing the forecast, the tools of scenario analysis were used, namely: the analysis of the main influencing factors, which allowed determining the trends of regional development until 2035. This analysis makes it possible to develop a baseline scenario for the development of the situation, provided that the situation around Ukraine over time will not change significantly; the main factors that are difficult to predict and non-collinear are identified.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 356-365
Author(s):  
Jean Cottin Kouma

Since the mid-1990s, and even more Vladimir Putin’s accession to the presidency, reaffirmation and recognition of Russia’s status as a great power has been erected as an existential political imperative. The restoration of Russia's global influence is one of the parts of this high-powered policy implemented by the authorities. It manifests itself repeatedly through hard power initiatives outside national borders in Georgia, Ukraine or Syria. But the “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space, primarily the Orange Revolution of 2004, prompt the Russian government to rethink its foreign policy in order to project a better image of Russia abroad. This late awareness is reflected in the adoption of a clean soft power strategy and its main key instruments are created during the second term of Vladimir Putin (2004- 2008). The notion of soft power will be institutionalized in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation on February 12, 2013. This article is therefore intended as a contribution to the analysis of the issues surrounding the cultural variable in foreign policy. of the Russian Federation. It is therefore more precisely his ambition to decipher the motives underlying the mobilization of resources for the purpose of cultural outreach by Russia. A country with many contrasts and, moreover, in a world cultural field traditionally controlled by strong Western powers, Russia has opted for soft power, with the triple vision of making its way, to feed its current rise and to pose as a “responsible” and “conciliatory” power. For the twelfth largest economic power in the world, it is also a question of reducing the mistrust and criticism that its presence already arouses on the international scene. The choice made on the cultural variable is therefore not insignificant; because, it is a strategy, through which Russia would like to build, if not regain its greatness of yesteryear.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-25
Author(s):  
Vladimir Severuhin

The article reveals the specifics of the specification and interpretation of the norms of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 2020. The author analyzes the factors influencing the interpretation of the content of constitutional norms. The peculiarities of the impact of domestic conditions and international positions on the hierarchy of regulations are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the possibilities of law-making activities in modern Russian conditions. The achievement of legal certainty in the specification of norms is justified by the need to use the general principles of law, constitutional principles and existing norms of the Constitution.


Author(s):  
A. A. Vershinin ◽  
A. V. Korolkov

he spate of violence all over the world including the West makes us to pay attention to the factor of force in world politics. During the past decades Western countries tried to reduce the problem of force to the discussion about so-termed soft power. As a result they were not politically and morally ready to the outbreaks of the use of force in its traditional meaning. This fact to large extent explains their pained reaction to the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the ups and downs of their politics in regard to China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-57
Author(s):  
S. P. Arteev

As relations between the Russian Federation and the West continue to deteriorate, traditional diplomatic instruments become less eff ective. Conversely, the role of alternative diplomatic channels is growing. However, the Russian foreign policy still tends to underestimate their potential. In particular, the soft power potential of the Russian regions appears to be largerly under-utilized. The paper starts with a general overview of the specifi c features of sub-state/sub-national actors in the world politics. In particular, the author emphasizes that these actors are synthetic by nature, which predetermines their particular role on the international scene, as they can use policy instruments specifi c to both state and non-state actors. The author provides a model for classifi cation of the Russian regions based on the level of their international activity. The paper examines by what means the international activities of the regions can infl uence the interstate relations and outlines two basic frameworks for joint actions of the federal center and the regions on the international arena: ‘culture and image-building’ and ‘political plus’. The author emphasizes the importance of the federal-regional cooperation in addressing foreign policy issues, particularly, in response to international crises. The paper assesses the capacity of diff erent Russian sub-national actors to actively participate through their soft power potential in normalization of interstate relations. The author concludes that this potential could be successfully integrated into the Russian foreign policy strategy. However, in order to improve the quality of the federal-regional cooperation on the foreign policy issues, it is necessary to develop a new framework for interaction between the federal center and the regions of the Russian Federation, based on greater involvement of regional representatives in the decision-making process (which implies reassessment of the entire system of federal relations).


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-132
Author(s):  
Dejan Tadic

The paper analyses the application of the concept of soft power in contemporary international relations in the case of the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The author departs with the assumption that the government in Moscow uses a wide range of the soft power instruments and prove it on the case study of the combined use of hard and soft power instruments during the engagement in Syria. The analysis also includes the recent Russian foreign policy actions towards Serbia, and stresses out that the Russian Federation does not recognise sufficiently clear the benefits that our country provides in terms of promoting Russian national interests through the sophisticated application of the concept of soft power. The author concludes that the Russian Federation has not been using the full potential of their own sources of soft power in the foreign policy implementation process, and that the use of soft power is not sophisticated and optimal-except in the media.


Author(s):  
M.D. Tursynbay ◽  

The policy of "soft power" has lost some of its significance in Russia's foreign policy, but continues to dominate the minds of researchers. This is evidenced by numerous articles on this topic and even research by journalistic groups. The concept has become a trend not only in the study of international relations, but also in political science. The decisive criterion for determining the degree of influence of "soft power" is "attractiveness", that is, the degree to which the subject can leave the object in order to exert a certain influence on it. Russia has a set of “soft power” instruments that can, to some extent, affect facilities, including in the countries of the Central Asian region, including Kazakhstan. The study is based on a comparative approach that allows not only to identify the features of the "soft power" of the Russian Federation, but also to compare their effectiveness. The activities of the two countries are analyzed through the prism of soft power instruments used in the region, including investment, educational, scientific and cultural programs.


Author(s):  
Tat'yana Aleksandrovna Grishanina

The subject of this research is the public diplomacy mechanism of the Russian Federation. The goal consists in consideration of the mechanism of functionality of public diplomacy of the Russian Federation based on the framework government documents, reports on the activity of the structures of public diplomacy of the Russian Federation, and expert analytical articles. The author examines the foreign policy concepts of the Russian Federation of 2000, 2008, 2013 and 2016, as well as reveals their structures and areas of focus. Analysis of the discourse of research on the public diplomacy of the Russian Federation allowed determining the gaps and the problematic areas that require further research. The article presents examples of the projects that were implemented in the indicated directions in accordance with the latter concept. In conclusion, the author outlines the development trends of public diplomacy mechanism of the Russian Federation. The mechanism of public diplomacy of the Russian Federation is an ambiguous phenomenon and still in the making. On the one hand, the understanding of “soft power” on the state level has evolved significantly in recent years. Moreover, the author traces the evolution of terminological field of public diplomacy in the official documents, as well as its objectives and development trends. On the other hand, the question of coordinating body within the mechanism of public diplomacy of the Russian Federation remains open and relevant. Attention of researchers is also focused on the actors and level of their engagement into the system, interaction between the elements within and outside the mechanism. At the same time, public diplomacy projects are implemented by the Russian Federation worldwide; they coordinate with the trends set by intergovernmental organizations, and appear to be quite effective with regards to provision of information support. The trend of digitization of international policy poses new challenges for the public diplomacy structures, which would require an evolution in understanding of the concept.


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