scholarly journals Krytyka prób emancypacji śląszczyzny. Płaszczyzna prawno-ustrojowa, społeczno-polityczna i personalna

2019 ◽  
Vol 169 ◽  
pp. 137-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henryk Jaroszewicz
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Research Methodologies ◽  
Regional Language ◽  
The Status ◽  
Polish Language

The emancipation of the Silesian ethnolect in critical discourse: The legal and political plane, the socio-political plane and the personal oneAt the beginning of the 21st century, there were some attempts at making the Silesian ethnolect an independent variety and at elevating its status to the status of a regional language. Those attempts are part of greater linguistic emancipation processes occurring in present-day Europe. Despite the numerous attempts, the Silesian ethnolect still has the status of a dialect and therefore it is still deemed to be part of the Polish language. The failure of those emancipation attempts results from the opposition of the Polish national authorities, the political elites and the most influential scholarly circles. Questioning the attempts at making the Silesian language independent occurs on the legal and political plane, the socio-political plane, the scientific linguistic plane as well as on a personal one. The independent Silesian language is viewed as a threat to the Polish state and national unity. Additionally, it is also thought that its functioning could lead to the outburst of social conflicts in the country. Finally, the emancipation processes are repudiated because, as it is sometimes maintained, they are forced through by totally incompetent people. A detailed analysis of the argumentation shows that there are no objective, scientific foundations for questioning the attempts at elevating the status of the Silesian ethnolect to that of a regional language. The arguments put forward on the legal and political, socio-political and personal planes are, in the majority, easy to invalidate. They are based on scientifically unverifiable, ideologised foundations or on old-fashioned research methodologies. It seems that the emancipation of the Silesian ethnolect will be possible, provided that there is a proper political atmosphere in the country and provided that the Silesian people themselves systematically act for the benefit of elevating their speech to the status of a regional language.  Kritika pokušaja osamostaljenja šleskog jezičkog varijeteta. Pravno-ustavni, društveno-politički i personalni nivoPokušaji osamostaljenja šleskog jezičkog varijeteta preduzimani na početku XX vijeka, kao i zvaničnog promovisanja ovog koda u rang regionalnog jezika su dio širih jezičkih emancipacionih procesa koji se održavaju u savremenoj Evropi. Iako se u posljednjim godinama mnogo puta probalo podići šleski jezički varijetet u rang samostalnog jezika on i dalje zvanično funkcioniše kao dijalekat poljskog jezika. Neuspeh emancipacionih pokušaja u ovom slučaju proizlazi iz činjenice da se samostalnosti šleskog varijeteta protive kako poljska vlada, političke elite, tako i najuticajniji poljski naučni krugovi. Smisao postojanja samostalnog šleskog jezičkog varijeteta osporava se pomoću pravno-ustavnih, društveno-političkih i personalnih argumenata. Funkcionisanje novog regionalnog jezika u okviru poljske države smatra se opasnim po državno i nacionalno jedinstvo Poljske. Tvrdi se takođe da osamostaljenje šleskog jezika može dovesti do izbijanja nacionalno-društvenih konflikata u državi. Naposljetku, emancipacioni procesi vezani uz šleski varijetet osporavaju se zbog toga što su njegovi glavni ideolozi navodno diletanti i nestručnjaci. Detaljna analiza kritičkog diskursa dovodi, ipak, do zaključka da ne postoje stručni, lingvistički argumenti koji bi neosporno dokazivali pogrešnost ideje samostalnog, šleskog regionalnog jezika. Predstavljeni argumenti zasnivaju se najčešće na zastarjelim istraživačkim metodologijama ili su opterećeni određenim političko-ideološkim uticajima. Samostalni šleski jezik je ideja koja se može u budućnosti ostvariti — sve, ipak, zavisi od političkih prilika u državi i od toga da li će Šlezijci i dalje istrajati u odluci da se šleski jezički varijetet podigne u rang samostalnog jezika.

scholarly journals KRYTYKA PRÓB EMANCYPACJI ŚLĄSZCZYZNY. PŁASZCZYZNA NAUKOWA (LINGWISTYCZNA)

1970 ◽  
pp. 21-47
Author(s):  
HENRYK JAROSZEWICZ
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Social Discourse ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Academic Level ◽  
Regional Language ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Official Status ◽  
Made In

Despite the numerous attempts made in the 21st century at gaining linguistic independence, the Silesian ethnolect still enjoys the official status of a dialect. Lack of success in the attempted emancipation should be attributed to the linguistic policy adopted by the Polish authorities and political elites. The attempts at emancipation of the language spoken in Silesia have been subjected to criticism on many levels of the social discourse including the academic level. However, a detailed analysis of the presented arguments is evidence that there are no objective, linguistic premises that questioning promotion of the Silesian ethnolect to the status of a regional language is unsubstantiated.

scholarly journals A Critical Discourse Analysis of News Construction on Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s Disbandment

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saptorini Listianingsih
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
National Unity ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Online Newspapers ◽  
The Government

This study uses van Dijk’s version of Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine the news construction of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s disbandment in two online newspapers. The two online newspapers used in this study are the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe. From the analysis, it shows us that based on textual analysis, the government and HTI are portrayed as two opposing parties. The government is described as ruling regime having authority to maintain national interests that is Pancasila as well as national unity, diversity, and security, while HTI is described as the organization against national interest. Thus, the disbandment of HTI is a correct step to defend national interests. This is in accordance with the developing discourse in society that the existence of HTI is considered to endanger Pancasila. Furthermore, this research revealed that the history, vision mission, previous experience and the political interest of special political elites in media has had decisive influence in transforming reality into news texts.

scholarly journals Polityka językowa w Polsce a wpływ języka angielskiego na polszczyznę

LingVaria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Mańczak-Wohlfeld
Keyword(s):  
Language Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
High Frequency ◽  
Political System ◽  
American English ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language Policies ◽  
The Status ◽  
Polish Language ◽  
The Impact

Language Policy in Poland in the Context of the Impact of English on Polish The paper examines the way and the extent to which language policies have affected the development of the Polish language. However, the purpose of the present paper is to highlight the change in attitude towards the increasing impact of English on Polish. The influence of English became more prominent in Poland after the change in the political system in 1989, and has for the most part been in the area of lexical borrowings. However, the influence of English is not only restricted to the inflow of English loanwords, but also extends to their relatively high frequency of usage. In addition, there is evidence of other types of influence that are non-lexical. However, the impact of English on Polish has not been as extensive as is claimed by some Polish linguists who since the early 1990s have lamented over the decline of the Polish language caused by the ”flood” of British and American English borrowings. Indeed, the status of English as a lingua franca was considered itself to be a threat to Polish, with even the possibility of the extinction of the tongue. This concern about language purity led to the creation of the Polish Language Council in 1996, whose aim has been to advise on and describe (rather than prescribe) linguistic behaviours among Polish language users. This legislative body was behind the Polish Language Act passed in 1999. Its purpose, however, has been to protect Polish rather than to purify it and to minimize the foreign influences (which mainly refer to English) rather than to eradicate them. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the Polish linguists’ attitude towards the ”Anglicization” of the Polish language has changed dramatically and it is now believed that the influence of English makes Polish richer and more globalized.

scholarly journals Conflict between Groups of Different Religion and Beliefs Posing as Threat to Heterogeneity in Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Eko Harry Susanto
Keyword(s):  
Data Processing ◽  
Research Methodology ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Public Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Online Data ◽  
The Government

After the 1998 political reform in Indonesia, conflicts between groups of different religions and beliefs continued to occur, regardless of the fact that attempts to bolster diversity have been carried out legally and formally by the government and the political elites. In view of such condition, this research attempts to disclose conflicts which increasingly pose dangers on national heterogeneity, various factors which create religious-based conflicts, the roles of government and political elites in handling such conflicts and the communication strategy adopted to establish a civilized heterogenous society. The research methodology is qualitative with its main focus on online data related with conflicts in Indonesia. Online data processing was performed to support the description of conflicts based on religions and beliefs in all its forms which potentially threat national unity in Indonesia. The findings of this research are as follows: Increasing frequency of conflicts, powerplay politics as fuel for conflicts, unoptimized roles of the government and political elites and lack of communication strategy substance between groups by those responsible for public security and welfare. 

Challenging the frivolities of power: the ubiquitous camera and Nigerian political elites

Africa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Emeka Agbo
Keyword(s):  
Public Access ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
African Context ◽  
Visual Materials ◽  
Social Networking Website ◽  
Ubiquitous Presence

AbstractThe last decade has witnessed the ubiquitous presence of camera devices, from conventional cameras to communication gadgets (such as mobile phones, iPads and tablets), built with the capacity to produce, edit, disseminate and interact through photographs. In this article, I analyse visual materials circulated on Facebook, YouTube and Nairaland (a locally popular social-networking website used by Nigerians) to demonstrate how the ubiquity of the camera, its overt and surreptitious use, and the transformation and circulation of the resulting photographs constitute political acts in a postcolonial African context. The camera's ubiquity encompasses the increasing availability of photographic devices, but also the growing, and politically charged, inclination to put them to use, framing the world through which their users move. The production and dissemination of the resulting photograph gives it the status of an eyewitness account, amidst contestations that heighten its force as political articulation. Lastly, the ubiquitous camera is a means through which the public observes, polices and exposes the duplicity of state functionaries. The article contributes to an understanding of the ways in which digital infrastructure allows public access to the political undertaking of photography.

Critical discourse analysis and its critics

Pragmatics ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Breeze
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Reader Response ◽  
Contextual Factors ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Controversial Issues ◽  
Analytical Methodology ◽  
The Status

This article briefly reviews the rise of Critical Discourse Analysis and teases out a detailed analysis of the various critiques that have been levelled at CDA and its practitioners over the last twenty years, both by scholars working within the “critical” paradigm and by other critics. A range of criticisms are discussed which target the underlying premises, the analytical methodology and the disputed areas of reader response and the integration of contextual factors. Controversial issues such as the predominantly negative focus of much CDA scholarship, and the status of CDA as an emergent “intellectual orthodoxy”, are also reviewed. The conclusions offer a summary of the principal criticisms that emerge from this overview, and suggest some ways in which these problems could be attenuated.

scholarly journals Fr. Florian Stablewski’s Declaration of Loyalty to the Prussian Authority of 26 October 1891: Between Ambition, Necessity and Obedience

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH) ◽  
pp. 173-207
Author(s):  
Witold Matwiejczyk
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Polish Version ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Willingness To Cooperate

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 65 (2017), issue 2. The election of Florian Stablewski as Archbishop of Gniezno and Poznań was a result of many circumstances and decisions, directed mostly by the Prussian government. After Bismarck’s resignation in 1890, the Prussian authorities declared their readiness for ‘reconciliation’ (Versöhnung) with the Polish political elites in the Prussian partition, but with only the smallest possible concessions on their part. The nomination of the Polish candidate for archdioceses orphaned after the death of Juliusz Dinder was to be the first test of both parties’ intentions. An experienced politician such as Fr. Stablewski perfectly understood this and after rejecting Likowski’s candidature, he made public gestures towards the authorities, which were taken as an explicit declaration of loyalty and willingness to cooperate. Political support or even an inspiration for Stablewski was the political camp of Poznań conservatives led by Józef Kościelski, who personally undertook to force this candidate through at the Berlin court. The government, however, did not want to strengthen or make the Polish political camp independent. Therefore, upon expressing readiness to nominate Stablewski, they wanted to further maintain the status quo in Church and religious policy. A written commitment of the candidate to comply with these principles was to guarantee his full loyalty in the future. However, the declaration written by Stablewski was only an expression of his generally known and publicly expressed attitude of legality and loyalism. He reserved his full obedience only to his Church superiors: Cardinal Ledóchowski and the Pope.

Nagorny Karabakh conflict: Prospects for conflict transformation

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Artak Ayunts ◽  
Mikayel Zolyan ◽  
Tigran Zakaryan
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Conflict Transformation ◽  
Conflict Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Status

The article explores the current stalemate in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, and perspectives for conflict transformation. As the conflict has remained dormant for more than 20 years, the political systems of the countries engaged in the conflict have adjusted to the conflict situation. The conflict is often used by the political elites in order to legitimize their power, consolidate support, marginalize opponents, and neutralize democratizing pressures. Since the status quo serves the interests of the authorities, the ruling regimes do not have strong incentives to seek conflict resolution. In these conditions, conflict transformation approaches are considered a necessary means to deal with the conflict. Given that political elites have little incentive to implement such transformation, civil society actors come increasingly to the fore. Only through multitrack initiatives supported by civil society actors, we argue, can conflict transformation practices advance and subsequently bring peace to the region.

Women and Political Power in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro A. G. Dos Santos ◽  
Debora Thomé
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Abortion Law ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Gender Quota

Women have been historically excluded from positions of power in Brazil. Since the dawn of republicanism in the late 19th century, the political system has been dominated by men, and two long periods of authoritarianism stunted both the development of a strong women’s movement and the entrance of women into formal politics. Nevertheless, women have always been involved in the political process, and women’s groups have fought for women’s rights since the dawn of the republic. Successful examples include the suffrage movement, women’s movements that helped the return to democracy in the 1980s, and small victories such as domestic violence laws and maintenance of the status quo in the abortion law and reproductive rights. The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century marked the slow increased presence of women in elected positions. The implementation of a gender quota law in 1996 and continued pressure by women politicians, those in the state apparatus, and women’s movements brought the issue of women’s representation to the forefront of debates about democratic development in Brazil. Although women still face strong barriers to enter the electoral arena, developments in the early 21st century such as the strengthening of the quota law show that the political space is slowly opening its doors to women.

scholarly journals Językoznawcze zainteresowania Józefa Ignacego Kraszewskiego

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-142
Author(s):  
Urszula Sokólska
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Literary Studies ◽  
Semantic Structure ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
Polish Language

The article is devoted to the linguistics interests of Józef Ignacy Kraszewki who views language as a complex lexical, syntactic and semantic structure rather than merely the matter used for creating a literary vision of the world. The subjects of the detailed analysis are the journalistic and quasi-linguistic texts published in Studia literackie (Literary studies) and Nowe studia literackie (New literary studies) which discuss the relics of the Polish language’s past and the development of its vocabulary, with particular focus on the status of loanwords, neologisms and archaisms from various stages of the development of the Polish language. The image that emerges from the analysed texts is one of a writer-linguist who perfectly understands the mechanisms that rule language and who shows that language is dynamic and changes due to the needs of its users and all possible external factors.

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