Valued places

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-188
Author(s):  
Paul Watt
Keyword(s):  
Sense Of Community ◽  
Social Ties ◽  
Spatial Scales ◽  
Ontological Security ◽  
Domestic Spaces ◽  
Working Class Women ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right To Buy

This chapter examines pre-regeneration estates as valued places with reference to residents’ place attachment. Social tenants and owner-occupiers were attached to their homes as domestic spaces, to their blocks of flats/rows of houses, and to their estates as neighbourhoods – not ‘sink estates’. These were valued and valuable places where long-term residents developed traditional place belonging and a sense of community. Ontological security was rooted at the home scale in solid buildings and domestic self-provisioning (Pahl), and at the block and neighbourhood spatial scales in residential longevity and accumulated local social capital (McKenzie). Residents, especially working-class women, had built up trusting and caring relationships with their neighbours over years of co-residence. Neighbourliness was enhanced by estates’ design features, such as balconies, courtyards, and green space. By purchasing their homes under the Right-to-Buy (RTB), owners deepened their spatial roots, and hence the RTB operated as a buy-to-stay mechanism. Incoming middle-class market-homeowners (gentrifiers) expressed elective belonging, rather than traditional belonging, although they also began to develop local social ties. Despite neighbourhood conviviality, London estates do not form cohesive urban villages as identified during the early post-war period (Young and Willmott), but instead are complex socio-demographic places in terms of ethnicity, age, tenure, etc.

scholarly journals Understanding Human–Nature Connections Through Landscape Socialization

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (20) ◽  
pp. 7593
Author(s):  
Li-Pei Peng
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Sense Of Community ◽  
Social Values ◽  
Spatial Scales ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Policy Interventions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Land Use Policies ◽  
Analytical Tools

Understanding the landscape socialization underpinning the human–nature relationship is essential because it can contribute to assisting us to reconnect with nature. Reconnecting to nature is increasingly recognized as positively contributing to health and well-being. This study aimed to understand people’s connections with nature through landscape socialization under different land use policies. The study assumed that social values, as perceived by residents, facilitates their landscape socialization. Using a questionnaire measuring sense of community and the Social Values for Ecosystem Services application as analytical tools, the study assessed how residents with varying educational attainment, sense of community, and grounded occupation differ in identifying with conservation- and recreation-oriented policy interventions. The results demonstrated the role of landscape socialization in how people connect with nature, and the landscape socialization as a result of long-term policy interventions may exert substantial effects on residents’ social values across various spatial scales. The results deepen the general understanding of system leverage points for creating inner connections to nature which can aid sustainability transformation.

scholarly journals Sold out? The right-to-buy, gentrification and working-class displacements in London

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (6) ◽  
pp. 1354-1369
Author(s):  
Adam Elliott Cooper ◽  
Phil Hubbard ◽  
Loretta Lees
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
The Public ◽  
Market Rate ◽  
Accumulation By Dispossession ◽  
Resident Populations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Compulsory Purchase ◽  
Housing Estates ◽  
Right To Buy

Since the 1990s, the renewal of council housing estates in London has involved widespread ‘decanting’ of resident populations to allow for demolition and redevelopment, primarily by private developers who sell the majority of new housing at market rate. This process of decanting has displaced long-term council tenants and shorter-term ‘temporary’ tenants, with many not able to return to the estate. In contrast, those leaseholders who bought under the ‘right-to-buy’ legislation introduced in the 1980s have a ‘right to remain’ by virtue of the property rights they have. Nonetheless, given the threat that their property will ultimately be subject to compulsory purchase because the redevelopment of the estate is in the ‘public interest’, these leaseholders experience similar displacement pressures to other residents. Describing these pressures, this article argues that the right-to-buy legislation offered these residents the illusion of entering a property-owning middle-class, but that they were never able to escape the labelling of council estates as stigmatised spaces which have ultimately been seized by the state and capital in a moment of ‘accumulation by dispossession’.

Privatisation of Housing and the Impact of the Conservative Government's Initiatives on Low-Cost Homeownership and Private Renting between 1979 and 1984 in England and Wales: 3. Impact and Evaluation of Low-Cost Homeownership Policy

1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 901-911 ◽  
Author(s):  
A D H Crook
Keyword(s):  
Low Income ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
Private Renting ◽  
Income Groups ◽  
Short Run ◽  
Low Income Groups ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Right To Buy

This is the third in a series of four papers describing and evaluating the British Government's policies of privatising housing. In this paper the research on the short-run impact of the low-cost homeownership programme is examined, by looking at the right to buy, shared ownership, improvement for sale, and homesteading, and at starter homes and licence schemes. The purchasers who have benefited from the programme are identified and the reasons for some of the failures of the policy to reach priority groups and areas of need are examined. An evaluation of the programme is made under three headings: the extent to which new investment is generated, the extent to which benefits are restricted to groups in need, and the long-term consequences of expanding homeownership amongst low-income groups. It is concluded that privatisation cannot be achieved without continued state support and regulation.

scholarly journals The Legacy of the Right to Buy and the Differentiation of Older Home Owners

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vikki McCall ◽  
Madhu Satsangi ◽  
Corinne Greasley-Adams
Keyword(s):  
Older Age ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Ageing In Place ◽  
Future Policy ◽  
Views And Perceptions ◽  
Long Term Impact ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Right To Buy

This article explores older owner occupiers in lower value properties who, having acquired their home through the Right to Buy (RTB) in the 1980s, are now experiencing housing-related challenges in older age. This article outlines the views and perceptions of older owner occupiers, social landlords, voluntary groups and housing organisations to explore the legacy of the RTB. Current and future policy challenges in the area include the differentiation of home owners, difficulties of selling property with low equity in older age and the relationship between health and housing. This article calls to widen the analysis of the long-term impact of the RTB to owner occupiers in lower value properties and notes that ‘ageing in place’ goes beyond looking at people’s current house to the linked housing choices available to them. We recommend that policy support be extended to older home owners to increase housing choice in older age.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Turkish Muslims in a German city: Entrepreneurial and residential self-determination

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Sarah Hackett
Keyword(s):  
Residential Patterns ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Self Employment ◽  
German City ◽  
Post War ◽  
Oral History Interviews ◽  
The City ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Term Objective

Drawing upon a collection of oral history interviews, this paper offers an insight into entrepreneurial and residential patterns and behaviour amongst Turkish Muslims in the German city of Bremen. The academic literature has traditionally argued that Turkish migrants in Germany have been pushed into self-employment, low-quality housing and segregated neighbourhoods as a result of discrimination, and poor employment and housing opportunities. Yet the interviews reveal the extent to which Bremen’s Turkish Muslims’ performances and experiences have overwhelmingly been the consequences of personal choices and ambitions. For many of the city’s Turkish Muslim entrepreneurs, self-employment had been a long-term objective, and they have succeeded in establishing and running their businesses in the manner they choose with regards to location and clientele, for example. Similarly, interviewees stressed the way in which they were able to shape their housing experiences by opting which districts of the city to live in and by purchasing property. On the whole, they perceive their entrepreneurial and residential practices as both consequences and mediums of success, integration and a loyalty to the city of Bremen. The findings are contextualised within the wider debate regarding the long-term legacy of Germany’s post-war guest-worker system and its position as a “country of immigration”.

The foundations of peaceful coexistence after the war ... Mosul is a model

2019 ◽  
pp. 178
Author(s):  
Omar Hashim Thanon
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Psychological Consequences ◽  
Peaceful Coexistence ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Mass Displacement ◽  
The Common ◽  
Near Term ◽  
Post War ◽  
Common Destiny

Since peaceful coexistence reflects in its various aspects the concept of harmony between the members of the same society with their different national, religious and sectarian affiliations, as well as their attitudes and ideas, what brings together these are the common bonds such as land, interests and common destiny. But this coexistence is exposing for crises and instability and the theft of rights and other that destroy the communities with their different religious, national, sectarian, ethnic aspects, especially if these led to a crisis of fighting or war, which produces only destruction and mass displacement, ttherefore, the process of bridging the gap between the different parts of society in the post-war phase through a set of requirements that serve as the basis for the promotion of peaceful coexistence within the same country to consolidate civil and community peace in order to create a general framework and a coherent basis to reconstruct the community again.      Hence the premise of the research by asking about the extent of the possibility and ability of the community of religious and ethnic diversity, which has been exposed to these crises, which aimed at this diversity, basically to be able to rise and re-integrate within the same country and thus achieve civil and community peace, and Mosul is an example for that, the negative effects of the war and the accomplices of many criminal acts have given rise to hatred and fear for all, leading to the loss of livelihoods, which in the long term may have devastating social and psychological consequences.        To clarify all of this, the title of the first topic was a review of the concept and origin of peaceful coexistence. While the second topic dealt with the requirements of peaceful coexistence and social integration in Mosul, the last topic has identified the most important challenges facing the processes of coexistence and integration in Mosul. All this in order to paint a better future for the conductor at all levels in the near term at the very least to achieve the values of this peaceful coexistence, especially in the post-war period.

The Rights of Noncitizens in the Territory

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Song
Keyword(s):  
Social Ties ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
Fair Play ◽  
Moral Claim ◽  
Permanent Residence ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

Chapter 10 considers what is owed to noncitizens already present in the territory of democratic countries. It focuses on three groups of noncitizens: those admitted on a temporary basis, those who have been granted permanent residence, and those who have overstayed their temporary visas or entered the territory without authorization. What legal rights are these different groups of noncitizens morally entitled to? How should their claims be weighed against the right of states to control immigration? The chapter argues that the longer one lives in the territory, the stronger one’s moral claim to a more extensive set of rights, including the right to remain. The time spent living in a place serves as a proxy for the social ties migrants have developed (social membership principle) and for their contributions to collective life (fair-play principle).

scholarly journals The European Economic Constitution after the PSPP Judgment: Towards Integrative Liberalism?

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 1058-1077
Author(s):  
Matthias Goldmann
Keyword(s):  
State Intervention ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Profound Change ◽  
European Economic ◽  
Economic Constitution ◽  
Post War ◽  
Reactive Mode ◽  
Proportionality Principle ◽  
Market Liberalism

AbstractThis article argues that the PSPP judgment effectively buries the era of financial liberalism, which has dominated the European economic constitution for decades. It raises the curtain on a new political paradigm, which I call “integrative liberalism”. Whereas the financial crisis put financial liberalism under strain, the development since then has been contradictory, torn between state intervention and market liberalism, focused above all on buying time rather than finding a new constitutional equilibrium. Now, together with the measures adopted in response to COVID-19, the PSPP judgment paves the way for profound change. Integrative liberalism is characterized by an overall shift from the market to the state, mitigating the post-crisis insistence on austerity and conditionality. Contrary to the embedded liberalism of the post-war era, integrative liberalism operates in a corrective and reactive mode with a focus on goals and principles, lacking the emphasis on long-term planning. Like every political paradigm, integrative liberalism ushers in a new understanding of the law. It puts the emphasis on context instead of discipline, and it elevates the proportionality principle. If integrative liberalism is to succeed, however, the democratic legitimacy of the Eurosystem and its independence require serious reconsideration.

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