scholarly journals A model of conflict and leadership: Is there a hawkish drift in politics?

PLoS ONE ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. e0261646
Author(s):  
Siddhartha Bandyopadhyay ◽  
Amit K. Chattopadhyay ◽  
Mandar Oak

We analyze conflict between a citizenry and an insurgent group over a fixed resource such as land. The citizenry has an elected leader who proposes a division such that, the lower the land ceded to the insurgents, the higher the cost of conflict. Leaders differ in ability and ideology such that the higher the leader’s ability, the lower the cost of conflict, and the more hawkish the leader, the higher his utility from retaining land. We show that the conflict arises from the political process with re-election motives causing leaders to choose to cede too little land to signal their ability. We also show that when the rents of office are high, the political equilibrium and the second best diverge; in particular, the policy under the political equilibrium is more hawkish compared to the second best. When both ideology and ability are unknown, we provide a plausible condition under which the probability of re-election increases in the leader’s hawkishness, thereby providing an explanation for why hawkish politicians may have a natural advantage under the electoral process.

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrienne Fricke

Between 1976 and 1991, central Beirut, repository of centuries of historic structures, was substantially destroyed by civil war. In 1994, a private company known by its French acronym Solidère was created by government decree and given the task of reconstructing the center of Beirut. Despite political problems, the Solidère project brought the hope of social recovery through economic renewal; yet progress should not come at the cost of memory.How can Beirut, destroyed, be a site of both recovery and erasure? Even though traditional legal and political discourses acknowledge that cultural heritage holds a powerful position in reconstruction, there are few tools for capturing its functions. Using heuristics originally employed in archeology and art history, this article addresses psychological aspects of reconstruction by discussing contemporary Lebanese art. If culture is defined not only as what people do buthow they make sense of what they have done, the enormity of the political problems of post–civil war reconstruction become clear. National governments hoping to consolidate authority would do well to consider how best to approach public places resonant with emotionally charged memories.Policymakers should consider the complex benefits of negative heritage in drafting laws that will enable its protection. Legal reform carried out with the goal of balanced heritage policies that accommodate negative heritage is key for postconflict urban spaces. By acknowledging the weight of the past, such policies would also bolster confidence in the emergent government and the political process.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 94-102
Author(s):  
D E Antonov

The article makes an attempt at a theoretical analysis of the structure of the national information space of Russia. The author describes the impact of the transformation of the structure of the information space on the election process on examples of elections to the State Duma and municipal elections in Moscow, using the methodology of studying system dynamics. According to the results of the study, it is concluded that in the context of the political process mediatization, social media, as channels and tools of information and communication exchange within the information space, will increasingly influence the electoral process. Keywords: information space, mediatization, elections, election process, social media.


Author(s):  
Nikita S. Gusev ◽  

The paper examines the functioning of the Bulgarian political system in the first 40 years of its existence (1878–1918) according to the Russian eyewitnesses observations. Involvement of this type of sources as well as Bulgarian memoirs and scientific works allowed us to consider the real implementation of such components of the constitutional state as equality, freedom of speech, political competition, the electoral process and their perception by the Bulgarians themselves. The data used in the research enabled us to conclude that these components of the political system have been adapted to local realities, which largely changed the essence of the aforementioned concepts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Ten

There are in article discussed the positive aspects of the digital transformation of the electoral process, readers focused on the problem of low level of citizen involvement in the electoral process. In addition, there are described the organizational and legal aspects of this issue and proposed acceptable ways of solving the problem through the use of remote technologies. There are in article reflected possible obstacles in the implementation of digital systems of remote participation of voters in the political process.


Author(s):  
Caroleen Marji Sayej

This chapter focuses exclusively on Ayatollah Sistani and his impact on democracy in Iraq. It traces his activities through Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s two terms in office, ending in 2014. Sistani proved to be a strategic political actor, motivated by the Iraqi political milieu, rather than acting on religious impulses. He monitored the political process with intense interest and intervened when he deemed it necessary. Acting as a “guide” to the political process, Sistani enriched the discourse on democracy with debates surrounding national unity, pluralism, legitimacy, the ballot box and human rights. He was successful in putting Iraqis at the center of the electoral process, against the desires of US advisers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-453
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov

Abstract The phenomenon of color revolutions has occupied a prominent place in Russian politics for a good reason. The major threat of color revolutions as modern political warfare designed by Western countries deeply affected the political process in Russia since 2005. It may have appeared that the imperative of resisting them was the result of a non-democratic regime reacting to neighboring countries’ uprisings. Some portrayed it as authoritarian learning. This paper suggests that the counteractions stemmed from the interests of disunited Russian elite groups who were seeking opportunities to reinforce their dominance and capitalize on the idea of significant external threats. The phenomenon reshaped the balance within elite groups and led to the consolidation of law enforcement networks on the eve of Putin’s third term. Further, the prevailing perception of color revolutions discouraged any elite splits that could lead to proto-democratic rules.


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