Agricultural economies in the face of environmental and political change

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Makayla Harding
Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine

This chapter considers the prospects for political change in the face of communicative barriers to collective action. It begins to address this question by identifying several of the most well-known historical and recent moments in which there was large-scale mobilization on some economic insecurity issues. This discussion, in concert with the empirical findings in this book, helps clarify the prospects for political action (and policy change) on these issues. The chapter then uses the findings from the book to identify three types of people that are most likely to become active. It also talks about the implications of having this (narrower) set of people active as opposed to the full range of people that find the issues to be important. It concludes by reiterating how self-undermining rhetoric is a broad concept that can apply in many different situations beyond those considered herein.


Author(s):  
Meghan E. Buchanan

The early Mississippian Period in the midwestern United States was a time of great religious, social, economic, and political change. Several models and theories have been proposed for understanding changes in regional interactions associated with the rise of Cahokia, the largest Mississippian city. However, the later dissolution of Cahokia and other Mississippian centers during the twelfth through fourteenth centuries and their impacts on regional interactions are poorly understood. This chapter assesses the utility of the Cross-Cultural Interaction Model for Mississippian Period during the late twelfth through fourteenth centuries in the Midwest. Additionally, this chapter proposes the addition of a third dimension to the model in order to account for indigenous ontological perspectives with regard to entanglements between political reorganization and cosmological realms. Particular attention is given to the Common Field site, a political and religious center located in a region that had been sparsely populated prior to AD 1200.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-433
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Finlay

AbstractProponents of nonviolent tactics often highlight the extent to which they rival arms as effective means of resistance. Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, for instance, compare civil resistance favorably to armed insurrection as means of bringing about progressive political change. In Ethics, Security, and the War-Machine, Ned Dobos cites their work in support of the claim that similar methods—organized according to Gene Sharp's idea of “civilian-based defense”—may be substituted for regular armed forces in the face of international aggression. I deconstruct this line of pacifist thought by arguing that it builds on the wrong binary. Turning away from a violence-nonviolence dichotomy structured around harmfulness, I look to Richard B. Gregg and Hannah Arendt for an account of nonviolent power defined by non-coercion. Whereas nonviolent coercion in the wrong hands still has the potential to subvert democratic institutions—just as armed methods can—Gregg's and Arendt's conceptions of nonviolent power identify a necessary bulwark against both forms of subversion. The dangers of nonviolent coercion can be seen in the largely nonviolent attempts at civil subversion by supporters of Donald Trump during Trump's attempts to overturn the results of the U.S. presidential election in 2020, while the effectiveness of noncoercive, nonviolent power is illustrated by the resistance of U.S. democratic institutions to resist them.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Soraya Tremayne

Abstract The introduction to this issue has two strands. First, it contextualises the articles, which address kinship from varied perspectives, and situates them in their broader cultural context. Second, it adopts a comparative perspective by differentiating between the present articles with those published a decade earlier on the same themes in this journal, to examine whether, how and to what extent kinship has changed in the face of modernity, globalisation, wars, migrations and political change. It concludes that, compared with a decade ago, kinship has not only not weakened, but it has revived further and penetrated other institutions beyond family, or called upon to ensure and protect the continuity of cultural norms and values, from the threats paused by modernity and by the global, cultural and political invasions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 223-246
Author(s):  
Dan Taylor

Can Spinoza’s politics allow for a coherent theory of rebellion? The final chapter addresses this difficult but fundamental question for instigating political change, like the kind suggested in the Tractatus Politicus. On the face of it, no, though some intractable difficulties in the text are contrasted against the historical context. The chapter explores one opportunity raised by Matheron through ‘indignation’, then turns to the imitative affect of emulation as a powerful political affect for collective power and political transformation. The discussion of an ethics of care and solidarity then utilises the Cadenza’s politics of commonality, exploring how movements can organise around a powerful signifier, e.g. the People, at the centre of current debates around populism, while avoiding the foundation of a community being on a sad (and inherently disempowering) affect like fear or hatred for others. Through drawing on a range of contemporary political theorists like Rancière, Laclau and Mouffe and others, it concludes with an argument for making as many as capable as they can to think for themselves, recognise their common good, and organise together in effective political movements that can realise this, politically. A freedom for one and all.


Author(s):  
Vaid Divya ◽  
Datta Ankur

This chapter investigates the complex issue of caste and its relationship to modern Hinduism. It starts by drawing up a broad canvas of classical theories about caste from sociology and anthropology, considering caste in relation to the Sanskritic concepts of varna and jati. The authors then move on to the emergence of caste in its modern form in the colonial period and post-colonial period. The chapter’s discussion of the emergence of a modern conception of caste in the colonial period converges with what has been discussed concerning the ‘invention’ or ‘standardization’ of Hinduism. The chapter also discusses caste in relation to post-colonial politics, and to work and occupation, tracing the transformation of caste in the face of contemporary socio-economic and political change. Hence the chapter also considers the relationship of caste with Modern Hinduism and Hindu society with reference to law and the state, Dalit politics, affirmative action, violence, and the economy.


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian D. Taylor

The siloviki – Russian security and military personnel – are a key part of Team Putin. They are not, however, a coherent group, and there are important organizational and factional cleavages among the siloviki. Compared with some security and military forces around the world, Russian military and security forces generally lack the attributes that would make them a proactive and cohesive actor in bringing about fundamental political change in Russia. In the face of potential revolutionary change, most Russian military and security bodies do not have the cohesion or the will to defend the regime with significant violence. Russian siloviki are a conservativeforce supportive of the status quo. Future efforts by the siloviki to maintain the stability of the existing political order are most likely to be reactive, divided, and behind the scenes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-47
Author(s):  
Malcolm Miles

In an essay on French literature in the period of Nazi occupation, Herbert Marcuse argues that a literature of intimacy—love poems and romantic novels—is the last resort of freedom in totalitarian conditions. Written in 1945 and revised in the 1970s, Marcuse’s essay argues that in the face of totalitarianism, a literature of intimacy opens a realm of human experience that is outside the control of the regime. Because it carries a memory of joy, it is radically other to the ethos of the regime. Later, in The Aesthetic Dimension (1978), Marcuse returns to the role of aesthetics when political change is unlikely to occur. The article revisits Marcuse’s 1945 essay and his reading of the poetry of Charles Baudelaire and Paul Eluard. It begins by relating Marcuse’s interest in love poetry to the work of other critical theorists who see a radical role for aesthetics and the pursuit of happiness in periods when political change is blocked. It examines the 1945 essay, puts it in context of Marcuse’s work for the US intelligence services in the 1940s, and looks at the similarities between the 1945 essay and Marcuse’s later writing. Finally, it asks whether Marcuse’s arguments matter today (as the dreams for which the New Left of the 1960s went in search appear as remote as ever).


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Mancke

From a global perspective, the Atlantic basin was an extremely dynamic arena of political change in the early modern era. Polity formation, re-formation, and collapse occurred as collateral consequences of European expansion, whether the spread of infectious diseases, the establishment of settler colonies, or commercial opportunities. Thus new polities arose in West Africa to engage in maritime trade with Europeans, Comanches came to the fore on the southern Plains of North America by dominating the market for horses, and the St Lawrence Iroquoians collapsed in the face of overwhelming pressures. Yet these diverse examples of political change tend to be pushed to the margins of the historical narrative of governance in the Atlantic world which is still stalwartly Eurocentric, bracketed, as it were, with the European settlement of colonies, their maturation, and their bids for independence in the Age of Revolution.


Author(s):  
Luis Martinez

Chapter Two entitled “Injustice, a Challenge to Social Cohesion” highlights the limits of the authoritarian systems set up by the governments in the face of social transformations and political change. Demands for better governance and greater social justice clashed with state practices designed to produce security. Revolts and riots have structured relations between society and states, which each time have managed to restore order. The ability of these states to keep a lid on unrest caused them to be perceived and analysed as “robust”. The unexpected and unforeseeable outbreak of the Arab revolts represents a huge challenge for the countries of North Africa. Civil society expresses demands for a more just and more inclusive state. The Arab revolts weakened the repressive apparatuses and opened new opportunities for jihadi groups.


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