scholarly journals Travessias para Educação Ambiental ‘Desde el sur’: uma agenda política critica comum em ‘zonas de sacrifício’ como o Brasil e América Latina

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-30
Author(s):  
Patrícia De Oliveira Plácido ◽  
Elza Maria Neffa Vieira de Castro ◽  
Mauro Guimarães
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Environmental Education ◽  
Political Ecology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Environmental Conflicts ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
The Poor ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Critical Policy

Neste ensaio a abordagem dos conflitos ambientais em ‘zonas de sacrifício’ expressa o alinhamento conceitual e epistemológico de educação ambiental com o pensamento freireano e com o “ecologismo dos pobres” apoiados na Ecologia Política. A América Latina e o Brasil são territórios que tem em seu processo histórico a exploração da natureza e do ser humano, e consequentemente a emergência dos conflitos socioambientais. Objetivamos apontar algumas possíveis propostas para pensar qual agenda política pode ser comum em práticas de educação ambiental realizadas em zonas de sacrifícios. Consideramos que o campo crítico é o que melhor legitima as abordagens para a educação ambiental ‘desde del Sur’ comprometida com o enfrentamento das desigualdades e com a travessia para novas relações mais justas e emancipatórias do Bem Viver. Travels for environmental education 'from the south': one Common critical policy agenda in 'sacrifice zones' as Brazil and latin america In this test the approach of the environmental conflicts in „zones of sacrifice‟expresses the conceptual alignment and epistemológico of environmental education with the thought freireano and with “ecologismo of the poor persons” supported in the Political Ecology. The Latin America and Brazil are territories that there has in his historical process the exploration of the nature and of the human being, and consequently the emergence of the conflicts socioambientais. We aim to point to some possible proposals to think which political diary can be common in practices of environmental education carried out in zones of sacrifices. We think that the critical field is what better legitim the approaches for the environmental education „from del Sur‟ compromised with the enfrentamento of the unequalities and with the journey for more just new relations and emancipatórias of the Good to Live.

scholarly journals Neoextractivismo en América Latina y Colombia: una reflexión desde la ecología política

2017 ◽  
pp. 15-53
Author(s):  
Carolina Arias Hurtado
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Environmental Justice ◽  
Political Ecology ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Environmental Conflicts ◽  
The Social ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Social Environmental

En el artículo, se realiza una aproximación a la problemática del neoextractivismo en el siglo xxi desde la ecología política en el ámbito regional, nacional y local. En primer lugar, se presenta un panorama sobre las contradicciones del desarrollo neoextractivista en América Latina como expresión de la crisis multidimensional y la necesidad de búsqueda de alternativas. Enseguida, se examina la situación actual del neoextractivismo en Colombia, a partir del reconocimiento de los conflictos socioambientales y las luchas sociales por la justicia ambiental. Por último, se analiza el caso del municipio de Marmato (Colombia), lugar emblemático por la constante defensa del territorio como un patrimonio y un derecho.Palabras clave: neoextractivismo, ecología política, conflictos socioambientales, justicia ambiental. AbstractNeo-extractivism in Latin America and Colombia: a political ecology reflexion In this article an approach is performed to the problematic of neoextractivism in the 21st century at a regional, national and local level from the political ecology view. In the first place, it presents a panorama on the contradictions of the neo-extractivist development in Latin America, as an expression of the multidimensional crisis and the needing to search for alternatives. Next, it examines the current situation of neo-extractivism in Colombia from the * Estudiante del doctorado en Estudios del Desarrollo de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas (México). Correo electrónico: [email protected] Controversia 207 abril 2018.indd 17 6/25/2018 8:20:18 PM 18 Controversia 208 recognition of the social-environmental conflicts and social struggles for environmental justice. Finally, the paper analyzes the case of the municipality of Marmato (Colombia), emblematic in the defense of the territory as a heritage and a right.Keywords: neo-extractivism, political ecology, social-environmental conflicts, environmental justice.

scholarly journals Conflictos socio-ambientales en la sociedad moderna: aportes de la ecología política Latinoamericana y la teoría de la acción comunicativa

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1077
Author(s):  
Felipe Cárcamo ◽  
Rodrigo Mena
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Ecology ◽  
Communicative Action ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ecological Analysis ◽  
Environmental Conflicts ◽  
Theory Of Communicative Action ◽  
Multiple Causes

Modern society's socio-environmental conflicts result from multiple causes, and responding to them is a complex, multidisciplinary venture. This article contributes to the understanding of that complexity, with a discussion of the main analytical keys that political ecology has used for the study of socio-environmental conflicts in Latin America. The article shows the important role that communication takes in this process, and argues that the Theory of Communicative Action can contribute to the political ecological analysis of socio-environmental conflicts in modern society, and can identify paths that allow the establishment of new alternative projects.Palabras clave: Socio-environmental conflicts, political ecology, Latin America, communicative action, modern society, alternative projects 

scholarly journals Importancia de la educación ambiental en la gestión del riesgo socio-natural en cinco países de América Latina y el Caribe

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Martha Melizza Ordóñez-Díaz ◽  
Luisa María Montes-Arias ◽  
Giovanna Del Pilar Garzón-Cortes
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Environmental Education ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Natural Phenomena ◽  
Legislative Organization ◽  
Natural Risk ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Post Disaster

Considering environmental education as a social tool allowing individuals to achieve a significant knowledge of the inhabited environment, to reduce the probability of occurrence of a disaster, and to respond to the presence of natural phenomena to which people are vulnerable, this article aims to generate a space for reflection on the importance of environmental education in the management of the social and natural risk in five countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. For this purpose, the paper presents a descriptive review of primary and secondary bibliographical sources referring to the performance of the management of social and natural risks related to environmental education in Colombia, Nicaragua, Mexico, Chile, and Jamaica between 1994 and 2015. In this period, a solid administrative and legislative organization of this management and environmental education is evident, but these two themes are clearly separated when implementing citizen projects: a situation that has generated shortcomings in the management of natural disasters, specifically under the principles of precaution and prevention. For this reason, this article offers a series of recommendations that include the dissemination of information, the creation of centers for the management of risk reduction, the strengthening of communication strategies, and the establishment of response plans and post-disaster recovery. 

scholarly journals A APLICAÇÃO DO CONCEITO DE POPULISMO À AMÉRICA LATINA: pela necessidade de classificar, e não desqualificar

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
João Carlos Amoroso Botelho
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socioeconomic Conditions ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
The Past ◽  
De Se ◽  
The Subject ◽  
America Latina

Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) e Ianni (1975) aplicaram a noção de populismo à América Latina, muito se escreveu sobre o tema. O conceito se estirou tanto que tem servido para definir políticos os mais díspares. Com a ausência das condições socioeconômicas descritas pelas formulações clássicas, a estratégia adotada é limitar a categoria à dimensão política. Esse procedimento, porém, não é capaz de descrever atributos exclusivos suficientes para que o populismo seja um fenômeno específico. Ao mesmo tempo, o conceito está tão enraizado que não é viável abandoná-lo. A solução proposta é avaliar em quais características um político se aproxima e se afasta dos casos paradigmáticos do passado. Assim, ele pode ser populista em certos aspectos e não em outros. Com esse procedimento, se chega a uma classificação, em que um líder apresente mais ou menos atributos descritos pelas definições clássicas, eliminando a necessidade de reformulação constante do conceito para adaptá-lo a novas circunstâncias. Também haveria menos espaço a que o rótulo de populista continuasse servindo para desqualificar políticos latino-americanos. O artigo aborda definições clássicas e recentes aplicadas à América Latina e avalia a viabilidade empírica da estratégia de se concentrar na dimensão política.---LA APLICACIÓN DEL CONCEPTO DE POPULISMO AMÉRICA LATINA: la necesidad de clasificar, y no descalificar Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) y Ianni (1975) aplicaron la noción de populismo a la América Latina, mucho se ha escrito sobre el tema. El concepto se ha estirado tanto que ha definido políticos muy dispares. Con la ausencia de las condiciones socioeconómicas descritas por las formulaciones clásicas, la estrategia adoptada es concentrarse en la dimensión política. Ese procedimiento, sin embargo, no es capaz de describir atributos exclusivos suficientes para que el populismo sea un fenómeno específico. Al mismo tiempo, el concepto está tan enraizado que no es viable abandonarlo. La solución propuesta es evaluar en cuales características un político se acerca y se aleja de los casos paradigmáticos del pasado. Así, ello puede ser populista en ciertos aspectos y no en otros. Con ese procedimiento, se llega a una clasificación, en que un líder presente más o menos atributos descritos por las definiciones clásicas, eliminando la necesidad de reformulación constante del concepto. También habría menos espacio a que el rótulo de populista continuase sirviendo para descalificar políticos latinoamericanos. El artículo presenta definiciones clásicas y recientes aplicadas a la América Latina y discute la viabilidad empírica de la estrategia de concentrarse en la dimensión política.Palabras-clave: populismo; América Latina; casos paradigmáticos; clasificación.---THE APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA: the need to classify and not disqualifyEver since authors such as Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) and Ianni (1975) applied the notion of populism in Latin America, much has been written on the subject. The concept stretched out so much that it has served to define the most dissimilar politicians. In the absence of socioeconomic conditions described by classical formulations, the strategy adopted is to restrict the category to the political dimension. Such a procedure, however, is not capable of describing adequate particular attributes that populism would be a specific phenomenon. At the same time, the concept is so deeply embedded in our society that it is not feasible to abandon it. The proposed solution is to evaluate in which characteristics a politician reaches and moves away from the paradigmatic cases of the past. Thus, it can be populist in some respects and not in others. In such a procedure, we arrive at a classification in which a leader shows more or less attributes described by classical definitions, eliminating the need for constant reformulation of the concept to adapt it to new circumstances. Also, there would be less space to which the label of populist would continue to serve to disqualify Latin American politicians. The article discusses recent and classic settings applied to Latin America and assesses the empirical viability of focusing on the political dimension strategy.Key words: populism; Latin America; paradigmatic cases; classification.

scholarly journals IDENTIDAD DE LA TEOLOGÍA LATINOAMERICA Y LA TEOLOGÍA DE LA LIBERACIÓN

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Jorge Costadoat Carrasco
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Theological Method ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Age Of Maturity ◽  
The Status ◽  
Original Speech ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Church

RESUMEN: El objetivo de esta investigación es suministrar argumentos para identificar la Teología latinoamericana con la Teología de la liberación, y viceversa. Entre estos argumentos se debe considerar la conciencia de alcanzar la “mayoría de edad” de la Iglesia en América Latina en el postconcilio; la convicción de los teólogos de la liberación de estar elaborando una “nueva manera” de hacer teo­logía; una toma de distancia del carácter ilustrado de la teología; y la posibilidad de reconocer en los acontecimientos regionales, particularmente en los pobres, un habla original de Dios. Este artículo pretende hacer una contribución al status quaestionis del método teológico.ABSTRACT: The objective of this paper is to provide arguments to identify Latin American Theology with Liberation Theology, and vice versa. Among these arguments, one should consider the awareness of the Church in Latin America reaching its “age of maturity” in the post-conciliar period. Other arguments are the conviction of liberation theologians to be elaborating a “new way” of doing theology; a distance from the illustrated characteristic of theology; and, the possibility of recognizing in regional events, particularly in the poor, God’s original speech. This article aims to contribute to the status quaestionis of the theological method.

EL ORDEN POLáTICO SEGÚN LA DICTADURA CáVICO-MILITAR ARGENTINA 1976-1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA PHILP
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Core ◽  
Central Task ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Military

Resumen: En el trabajo se analizan las intervenciones de los militares que gobernaron la Argentina  durante la dictadura cá­vico-militar en Argentina en el perá­odo 1976-1983, destinadas a lograr una  tarea central de todo régimen polá­tico: la justificación del poder. A partir de la exclusión de la  polá­tica, declamada pero no practicada, se apropiaron de distintos escenarios para construir maneras  de definir el orden polá­tico, nombrado como democracia sustancial, democracia de los mejores en  oposición a la demagogia, causa de su nueva irrupción en la historia polá­tica argentina el 24 de  marzo de 1976. La imperiosa necesidad de concluir con esta democracia desvirtuada era presentada  como eje de su tarea central: reorganizar la nación, tarea que originó su autodenominación como  ”Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”. Esta reconstrucción de los esfuerzos de los militares en el  poder para legitimar su accionar pretende aportar a la comprensión y explicación de las rupturas  institucionales en América Latina, seguidas de la instauración de gobiernos autoritarios.Palabras clave: Dictadura cá­vico-militar, Justificación del poder, Orden polá­tico.  THE POLITICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE ARGENTINE CIVIC-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 1976-1983Abstract: The paper discusses the interventions by the military which ruled the Argentina during  the military dictatorship in Argentina during the 1976-1983, aimed at achieving a central task of any  political regime: the justification of power. From the exclusion of the policy, recited but not  practiced, they appropriated various scenarios to build ways to define the political order, named as  substantial democracy, democracy of the best as opposed to demagoguery, cause of the new  outbreak in Argentine political history on March 24, 1976. The urgent need to conclude with this  democracy undermined was presented as the core of its central task: reorganizing the nation, task  which originated its self-designation as "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional". This reconstruction  of the efforts of the military power to legitimize their actions intended to contribute to the  understanding and explanation of institutional ruptures in Latin America, followed by the  establishment of authoritarian governments.Keyswords: Civic-military dictatorship, Justification of the power, Political order.

LAS PONENCIAS DE MEDELLÍN

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Víctor Codina
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Vatican Ii ◽  
The Poor ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Times

RESUMEN: El artículo presenta las Ponencias previas a Medellín que, junto con el discurso inaugural de Pablo VI, marcarán el rumbo de la Segunda Conferencia: partir de la realidad del pueblo pobre y creyente, escuchar su clamor, discernir los signos de los tiempos y asumir una serie de opciones pastorales, de modo que Medellín constituye una recepción creativa del Vaticano II para América Latina y el surgimiento de una Iglesia pobre, misionera y pascual.ABSTRACT: This article presents the papers which, before Medellin, and together with the opening discourse of Paul VI, marked the course of the Second Conference and exposed: the reality of the poor and believing people, the listening to their cry, the discernment of the signs of the times, and pastoral options. Medellin was a creative reception of Vatican II for Latin America and signaled the emergence of a poor, missionary and paschal Church.

scholarly journals Mecanismos de representación política en las democracias latinoamericanas: las cuotas electorales de género

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.

scholarly journals The Incorporation of Social Organizations under the MAS in Bolivia

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Angus McNelly
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Social Bases ◽  
The Government ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

By drawing on the theoretical framework of the second incorporation of heterogeneous social organizations by progressive governments through informal contestation and/or technocratic implementation of their demands in Latin America, this article argues that the first presidential term of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006–2009) was marked by the incorporation of combative social movements through both a multidimensional co-optation of movements and the technocratic competition of the central movement demands for the nationalization of gas and the rewriting of the constitution through a constituent assembly. However, by 2010, this incorporation had stripped social movements of their ability to mobilize for change and the political conjuncture had shifted, making the government less dependent on its social bases to maintain political stability. This simultaneously transformed movements into defensive movements protecting the gains from the previous period and state–social-movement relations into informal contestatory regimes in which movements could only struggle against proposed political agendas. En base a un marco teórico que abarca la segunda incorporación de organizaciones sociales heterogéneas por parte de gobiernos progresistas a través de la contestación informal y/o la implementación tecnocrática de sus demandas en América Latina, un análisis del proyecto político de Evo Morales en Bolivia sostiene que su primer mandato presidencial se vio caracterizado por la incorporación de movimientos sociales combativos a través de una cooptación multidimensional de dichos movimientos y la competencia tecnocrática de las demandas del movimiento central en torno a la nacionalización del gas y la modificación de la constitución por una asamblea constituyente. Sin embargo, para 2010, esta incorporación había despojado a los movimientos sociales de su capacidad de movilizarse a favor del cambio y la coyuntura política había cambiado, haciendo que el gobierno dependiera menos de sus bases sociales para mantener la estabilidad política. Esto transformó a los movimientos en entidades defensivas dedicadas a proteger las ganancias del período anterior y las relaciones entre el estado y los movimientos sociales en regímenes informales de impugnación dentro de los cuales los movimientos mismos sólo podían luchar contra las agendas políticas propuestas.

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