Myth of the Christian Poet

2020 ◽  
pp. 86-119
Author(s):  
Matthew Pettway
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Racial Politics ◽  
Social Standing ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Religious Poetry ◽  
The One

This chapter explores how Plácido’s poems on race differed from that of Manzano, his enslaved counterpart.Plácido, whose mulatto racial identity was never in doubt, saw little need to create such an image for public consumption.Rather, his satirical poems mocked the mulatto desire to become white through the denial of African ancestry.This chapter examines Plácido’s Catholic poetry alongside his racial satire to demonstrate that the contradiction inherent in his literary work.The analysis of Plácido’s religious poetry in tandem with his satire exposes the apparent contradictions that arose from the articulation of a racial politics in defiance of whiteness on the one hand and the adulation of Catholicism on the other.Poems such as “Death of the Redeemer,” “The Birth of Christ,” “For the Death of Christ,” “The Resurrection,” and two relatively unknown poems, “My Imprisonment” and “To Lince, from Prison” are historical evidence of how Plácido negotiated good social standing with local ecclesiastical elites.

scholarly journals Waarom Jesus-studies?

2000 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
P. A. Geyser
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Historical Jesus ◽  
New Historicism ◽  
Social Standing ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Historical Nature

Why Jesus studies? Present-day historical Jesus studies are the epistemological product of what has become known as the New Historicism. The aim of the article is to emphasize two aspects of the New Historicism as epistemological approach. The one aspect focuses on the profitability of this endeavour and the other on the historical nature of the New Historicism. As far as profitability is concerned, the social standing and identity of the researcher are emphasized. Among otherthings, the social interests of the researcher are taken into account. Concerning the historical nature of this kind of research, a distinction is drawn between the Jesus of history and the Jesus of faith. The aim of the article is to gain clarity on the relationship between the Jesus of history (pre-Easter) and the Jesus of faith (post-Easter). J D Crossan's exposition of the reasons for Jesus studies is followed. He distinguishes three reasons: historical, ethical and theological.

Fascism under Pressure

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Antic
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
State And Society ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
The One

This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaša) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaša Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists’ propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement’s basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms’ ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaša transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudo-feudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class.

Presidential Address: The Royal Household and the Welsh Lawbooks

1963 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 163-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goronwy Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Edgar Allan Poe ◽  
Presidential Address ◽  
Field Of View ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Technical Term ◽  
Medieval Latin ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Historical Question ◽  
The One ◽  
Royal Household

On the corresponding occasion last year, I ventured to offer some remarks on the subject of medieval Welsh lawbooks, and more particularly on the editing of them. When edited, they serve as historical evidence. I therefore propose on this present occasion to consider the sort of historical evidence that they contain, and the kind of historical question that they raise. As I have to operate within the narrow compass of an hour, I must limit my field of view, and this can be done quite simply. A Welsh lawbook was made up of a series of what, in the absence of a recognized technical term, may conveniently be called ‘tractates’. I am going to consider just one of those tractates. It is, in more than one sense, the most easily distinguishable of them all. It is also the one that forms the very first part of the text of the Welsh lawbooks, coming immediately after the opening prologue. From its situation at the very beginning of the text, it should be the most inescapable document in the lawbooks—though, as Edgar Allan Poe demonstrated in a famous story, a document situated in the most obtrusive position is precisely the one that may most easily escape notice. It is quite a sizeable document, running to some twenty pages of modern print. It is extant both in medieval Latin and in medieval Welsh.

Alexander and the Iranians

1980 ◽  
Vol 100 ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. B. Bosworth
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Source Analysis ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Living Together ◽  
The One ◽  
Polar Opposite ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Two Stages ◽  
Second World

The last two decades have seen a welcome erosion of traditional dogmas of Alexander scholarship, and a number of hallowed theories, raised on a cushion of metaphysical speculation above the mundane historical evidence, have succumbed to attacks based on rigorous logic and source analysis. The brotherhood of man as a vision of Alexander is dead, as is (one hopes) the idea that all Alexander sources can be divided into sheep and goats, the one based on extracts from the archives and the other mere rhetorical fantasy. One notable theory, however, still flourishes and has indeed been described as one of the few certainties among Alexander's aims. This is the so-called policy of fusion. As so often, the idea and terminology go back to J. G. Droysen, who hailed Alexander's marriage to Rhoxane as a symbol of the fusion (Verschmelzung) of Europe and Asia, which (he claimed) the king recognised as the consequence of his victory. At Susa the fusion of east and west was complete and Alexander, as interpreted by Droysen, saw in that fusion the guarantee of the strength and stability of his empire. Once enunciated, Droysen's formulation passed down the mainstream of German historiography, to Kaerst, Wilcken, Berve and Schachermeyr, and has penetrated to almost all arteries of Alexander scholarship. Like the figure of Alexander himself the theory is flexible and capable of strange metamorphoses. In the hands of Tarn it developed into the idea of all subjects, Greek and barbarian, living together in unity and concord in a universal empire of peace. The polar opposite is an essay of Helmut Berve, written in the heady days before the Second World War, in which he claimed that Alexander, with commendable respect for Aryan supremacy, planned a blending of the Macedonian and Persian peoples, so that the two racially related (!)Herrenvölkerwould lord it over the rest of the world empire. On Berve's interpretation the policy had two stages. Alexander first recognised the merits of the Iranian peoples and placed them alongside the Macedonians in his court and army hierarchy. Next came the ‘Blutvermischung’, the integration of the two peoples by marriage.

“vntun’d, vnstrunge”

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lara M. Crowley
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Religious Poetry ◽  
The One ◽  
Material Evidence

Chapter 4 engages Donne’s religious poetry. It reconsiders the authorship of “Psalm 137,” the only poem to appear in all seven seventeenth-century printed collections of his verse that is excluded from his current canon. Alexander B. Grosart attributed this scriptural verse translation to Francis Davison in 1872, based largely on style, and subsequent editors have followed his lead. This study reveals that material evidence points overwhelmingly toward Donne’s authorship, with only one scribe claiming Davison. The chapter also identifies topical, thematic, and verbal connections between this psalm translation and “Lamentations,” the one scriptural translation universally accepted as a Donne poem, as well as an echo of this particular “Psalm 137” in George Herbert’s “Denial.” Recognizing “Psalm 137” as a part of Donne’s canon alters our understanding of him as a verse translator in relation to his other divine poetry and prose.

scholarly journals HAMILTON’S DERACIALIZATION

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 621-638
Author(s):  
Richard Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Racial Politics ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Black Candidates ◽  
Black Racial Identity ◽  
Curriculum Vitae ◽  
Color Blind ◽  
Racial Policy

AbstractMany commentators have described Barack Obama as a ‘deracialized’ politician. In contrast to ‘racialized’ Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama’s racial politics sits incongruously with his political curriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama’s racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama’s racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the “race-conscious” policy alliance rather than the “color-blind” alliance. By returning to the site of Obama’s political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.

Religion, human capital and growth

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Giuseppina Autiero ◽  
Concetto Paolo Paulo Vinci
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Human Capital ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Physical Capital ◽  
Religious Activities ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Progressive Force

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine how rulers by supporting religion influence the growth of human capital and physical capital. Design/methodology/approach – The authors consider a model where the government, on the one hand, sets the output quota transferred to religious activities and workers and entrepreneurs, on the other, choose human and physical capital, which are complementary. The findings of the model are used to interpret some historical evidence. Findings – When a religious denomination puts a strong emphasis on children’s education, the rulers who back religion, may encourage the diffusion of education among the followers of that denomination. Conversely secular rulers may face a religion that they consider a force opposing modernization and may develop a secular system promoting the diffusion of education. In both cases, the diffusion of education triggers the increase in physical capital and economic growth. Originality/value – The contribution of the paper is to show how religion may be either a progressive force and promote education by contributing to economic growth or present a conservative dimension opposing the diffusion and rise of human capital.

Some Eighteenth Century Ferryhouses in Appin, Lorn, Argyll: the Development of the Single-Storeyed Mortared Stone Cottage in the West Highlands

1997 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 243-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan W. MacKie
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Architectural History ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
North Side ◽  
Piped Water ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Made In

The evolution of the single-storeyed mortared stone cottage in the western highlands of Scotland seems to mirror that of the upper strata of late seventeenth and eighteenth century clan society in the region, and in particular to reflect a little of the disintegration of that society after the two failed Stuart uprisings and its consequent gradual integration with the lowland economy. An analysis of the architectural history of the Ferry House (let to the ferryman as a combined inn and home for his family) at Port Appin provides a foundation for the survey. The earliest part of the building, probably thatched, may well date from the 1740s but already it had lintelled hearths with flues in each gable wall - a lowland urban feature. A major extension with a slate roof was built in about 1770 and the earlier part was probably also slated at this time and subdivided inside to provide rooms for wealthier guests. Thereafter only relatively minor internal improvements were made, in the newer half, until the early 1950s when piped water was introduced and a separate bathroom and kitchen built. The cottages were sold to incomers not long after.A study of other ferries in the area confirms that mortared cottages almost identical to those in Port Appin, and in identical situations, are still to be found at two of these. The one on the south side of the abandoned Rugarve ferry over Loch Creran can also be dated to between about 1750 and 1770 from historical evidence. Also at Rugarve, on the north side, are the remains of a more primitive thatched drystone cottage, probably an early ferry house, which is smaller than the others and lacks hearths with chimneys.

scholarly journals Degrees of Permeability

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa T. Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Standing ◽  
Urban Livelihoods ◽  
Embodied Experiences ◽  
Total Institutions ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
One Year ◽  
The One ◽  
Relationship Of

This article deconstructs a binary that has arisen between prisons as, on the one hand, ‘total institutions’ of exclusion and, on the other, ‘carceral continuums’ that incorporate marginalized urban livelihoods. The experiences of four inmates at Pademba Road, Freetown’s male prison – which accommodates inmates with sentences from one year to life – illustrate that prisons belong in neither camp. Instead, inmates’ unique responses to their imprisonment show that both a prison’s continuity and its exclusionary mechanism are situational and gendered as crime, social standing, capital and agency coalesce. Following Michel de Certeau’s examination of people’s reappropriations of culture in everyday life, this article analyses how inmates’ tactics to reinforce and bend prison walls work to either strengthen or undermine the carceral system’s strategies and influence the prison’s permeability. Inmates’ embodied experiences allow for a nuanced understanding of the inside/outside relationship of imprisonment and of the space between mobility and stasis, subjugation, embrace and resistance.

scholarly journals The Anglosphere beyond Security

2019 ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Srdjan Vucetic
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Racial Politics ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
The One ◽  
Second World

Contemporary Anglospherism – a convenient shorthand for recent calls for more cooperation and unity between select English-speaking polities – draws considerable potency from the existence of the Five Eyes network, ABCANZ and many institutions and practices that constitute the Anglosphere in security. For some, the connection is self-evident and should be made explicit: ‘we’ are already glued together in security, so why not build a zone of free movement in goods, services and labour, too? The mutual constitution of these two Anglospheres – political Anglospherism on the one hand and the Anglosphere in security on the other – is more than a century old but remains poorly understood. In this chapter I perform three tasks set out to interrogate this relationship. First, I provide a genealogy of the Anglosphere and of the nearby ‘CANZUK Union’. Next, I map out the Anglosphere in security, probing the depth and frequency of coordination and cooperation among Five Eyes states since the Second World War. I then argue that the deep origins of the Anglosphere in security lie in late nineteenth-century inter-racial politics.

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