ILS CAT III NO BRASIL: CUSTO-BENEFÍCIO DE INSTALAÇÃO NO BRASIL

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Lucas Cunha Braga ◽  
Tammyse Araújo Da Silva

This research talks about the need of a precision landing system also known in Brazil as ILS CAT III. It will approach if what motivates such implementation is the political or the economic bias and what is the relationship with the awards to the related private companies. In order to check the true need of the device to the country, it's necessary to acknowledge some barriers that we face when implementing this kind of device. The goals of this study are to present the concept and the history of this system, since its creation to the precision categories. Besides that, it will be shown comparative data from the airports before and after the implementation of the ILS, observing the results of such measure. The study also has as a goal to present the spending and the methods used for the homologation, certification and maintenance of the system by the regulatory bodies. The methodology is based in literature review structured in books, scientific articles, reports, Brazilian resolutions and regulations. It's expected that with this research we can prove or not the true need of the ILS CAT III to Brazil towards the predominant weather conditions in the domestic airfields, the current political and economic scenario and the questions about concession and privatization of Brazilian airports. In view of the following research, it was found that ILS CAT III in Brazil doesn’t have a cost-benefit of real viability, both for national airlines and for airports that would have to implement this system, given that a few hours throughout the year requires this type of operation, being more viable to them the expense with passengers before the resolution 141 of the ANAC.

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110496
Author(s):  
Aurelian Craiutu ◽  
Stefan Kolev

A review essay of key works and trends in the political thought of Central and Eastern Europe, before and after 1989. The topics examined include the nature of the 1989 velvet revolutions in the region, debates on civil society, democratization, the relationship between politics, economics, and culture, nationalism, legal reform, feminism, and “illiberal democracy.” The review essay concludes with an assessment of the most recent trends in the region.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Emilio Dabed

This article sheds new light on the political history of legal-constitutional developments in Palestine in the fourteen years following the Oslo Accord. It examines the relationship between the unfolding social, political, and economic context in which they arose, on the one hand, and PA law-making and legal praxis, on the other. Focusing on the evolution of the Palestinian Basic Law and constitutional regime, the author argues that the “Palestinian constitutional process” was a major “battlefield” for the actors of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Thus, changes in the actors' political strategies at various junctures were mirrored in legal-constitutional forms, specifically in the political structure of the PA. In that sense, the constitutional order can be understood as a sort of “metaphoric representation” of Palestinian politics, reflecting, among other things, the colonial nature of the Palestinian context that the Oslo process only rearticulated. This perspective is also essential for understanding the evolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict after Oslo.


ZARCH ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ténez Ybern

Si asumimos que el paisaje es el resultado perceptible de la relación dinámica entre un determinado grupo humano y su medio; esa definición que se cuenta entre las de más consenso entre aquellos que dicen hacer paisajes, suscita de inmediato ciertas preguntas: ¿Cuál es el papel de aquel que pretende crear paisajes, si el paisaje es un proceso que se da por si solo? ¿Hasta qué punto incide cambiar el aspecto de un lugar en esa relación entre la gente y su entorno cotidiano?El texto pretende explorar las consecuencias de esas paradójicas preguntas, a partir de una primera hipótesis: la del carácter intrínsecamente político del proyecto del paisaje. De esta hipótesis parte la intención de mostrar la evolución de la reflexión sobre ese papel político del hacer paisajes, en el que el hacedor de paisajes que está siempre situado entre los equilibrios de poder que se establecen entre las instituciones y la gente. A partir de aquí, se analizan algunos momentos clave de la historia de ese paisaje político, donde el “hacedor de paisajes” intenta encontrar su lugar.En el horizonte del texto, aparecen también imágenes de la historia reciente de mi ciudad, a modo de ilustración de lo dicho. If we accept that landscape is the perceptible result of the dynamic relationship process between a specific human group and an environment, this definition, which enjoys the most acceptance among those people who ‘make landscape’, immediately raises certain questions: What is the role of the person who aims to create landscapes, if landscape is a process that takes place on its own? To what point does this affect the relationship between people and their daily setting?This article initially aims to explore the consequences of that paradox through a first hypothesis: the intrinsically political nature of the landscape project. This hypothesis springs from the intention of describing the evolution of the reflection on this political role of making landscape, in which ‘landscape makers’ constantly find themselves affected by the balance of power established between institutions and people. Subsequently, analysis will be conducted on a series of key periods in the history of the political landscape in which landscape makers endeavour to find their place.Pictures of the recent history of my city appear interspersed within the text, in order to illustrate what has been described.


2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
Rully Aprilia Zandra ◽  
Rustopo Rustopo

Keroncong merupakan musik, instrumen musik, dan genre yang diklaim sebagai warisan budaya indonesia. Keroncong sebagai warisan budaya tentunya memiliki sejarah yang panjang.sejarah yang panjang juga tidak akan luput dari pasang surut dan perkembangan. Pasang surut dan perkembangan umumnya dipengaruhi politik dan situasi sosial. Untuk memetakan sejarah keroncong di Indonesia yang diwarnai politik dan situasi sosial, data dikumpulkan melalui dokumentasi, telaah pustaka, dan wawancara. Data valid dikonfirmasi dan dipaparkan secara kronologis berdasar periodesasinya. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa keroncong bermula dari diseminasi instrumen musik bangsa Portugis yang menjalin hubungan dengan Majapahit. Diseminasi instrumen fado di nusantara mengalami perubahan morfologi dan teknik perlakuan alatnya. Perubahan morfologi dan perlakuan alat ini melahirkan instrumen keroncong atau cukulele. Gaya lirik dibangun oleh kearifan lokal nusantara sesuai demografi dan situasi sosial di masing-masing lokasi penciptaannya. Gaya lirik dan pasang surut popularitas keroncong sebagai kelompok musik didorong dan dihentikan oleh naik turunnya kekuatan politik Portugis, Majapahit, Belanda, Jepang, dan Orde Lama dan Orde Baru. Political and Social Situations in the History of Keroncong in IndonesiaAbstract:Keroncong is music, musical instrument, and the genre that is claimed to be Indonesia's cultural heritage. Keroncong, as a cultural heritage, certainly has a long history. A long history will not escape its ups and downs and developments. Political and social situations generally influence the ups and downs and developments. In order to map the history of keroncong in Indonesia, which is colored by politics and social situations, data is collected through documentation, literature review, and interviews. Valid data are confirmed and presented chronologically based on the periodization. The results of this study indicate that keroncong originated from the dissemination of Portuguese musical instruments, which had a relationship with Majapahit. The dissemination of fado instruments in the archipelago has changed the morphology and treatment techniques of the tools. Changes in the morphology and treatment of this tool gave birth to the keroncong or Cukulele instrument. The local wisdom of the archipelago builds the lyric style according to the demographics and social situations in each location of its creation. The lyric style and the ebb and flow of keroncong's popularity as a musical group was driven and stopped by the ups and downs of the political power of the Portuguese, Majapahit, Dutch, Japanese, and the Old and New Order.


Author(s):  
Mary Ziegler

This article illuminates potential obstacles facing the reproductive justice movement and the way those obstacles might be overcome. Since 2010, reproductive justice—an agenda that fuses access to reproductive health services and demands for social justice—has energized feminist scholars and activists and captured broader public attention. Abortion rights advocates in the past dismissed reproductive justice claims as risky and unlikely to appeal to a broad enough audience. These obstacles are not as daunting as they first appear. Reframing the abortion right as a matter of women’s equality may eliminate some of the constitutional hurdles facing a reproductive justice approach. The political obstacles may be just as surmountable. Understanding the history of the constitutional discourse concerning reproductive justice and reproductive rights may allow us to move beyond the impasse that has defined the relationship between the two for too long.


Author(s):  
Dillon Mahoney

This chapter traces the development of Kenya’s tourism and handicraft industries from their roots in 20th century British colonialism to provide some of the broader history of Kenya’s tourism and co-operative development, their emergence in Mombasa, and their relationships with local governments. I draw on archival as well as ethnographic data collected just before the 2002 demolition of Mombasa’s roadside kiosks, which form the starting point for the larger longitudinal study. I focus on the array of experiences of Mombasa’s roadside traders of diverse backgrounds as they struggle with the privatization and segregation of urban residential and commercial space both before and after the demolitions. The economy was radically altered as the roadsides were “cleaned” and a new wave of economic formalization characterized the relationship between small-scale businesspeople and the state. For many entrepreneurs invested in the global crafts trade, this was the final straw that pushed them toward new technologies, jumping scales into global markets, and investing in export and wholesale businesses that were not spatially dependent upon a connection to the city center.


Author(s):  
Duncan Kelly

This chapter binds the book together, recapitulating its general argument, and offering pointers as to how the study relates to some contemporary questions of political theory. It suggests that a classification that distinguishes between Weber the ‘liberal’, Schmitt the ‘conservative’ and Neumann the ‘social democrat’, cannot provide an adequate understanding of this episode in the history of political thought. Nor indeed can it do so for other periods. In this book, one part of the development of their ideas has focused on the relationship between state and politics. By learning from their examples, people continue their own search for an acceptable balance between the freedom of the individual and the claims of the political community.


2020 ◽  
pp. 45-74
Author(s):  
Ethan Porter

This chapter studies the relationship between consumer fairness, political preferences, and policy uptake. Americans who support Donald Trump are especially likely to believe the government should be judged by the standards of private companies. New experimental evidence documents that, when politicians of both parties use consumer rhetoric, co-partisans of those leaders subsequently come to view politics in strikingly consumerist terms. In another experiment, results show that voters with low levels of political knowledge look most positively upon a hypothetical political candidate who promises cost-benefit alignability, compared to a candidate who promises more benefits than costs. The chapter then describes a field experiment administered in cooperation with a health insurance cooperative funded under the Affordable Care Act (ACA). A message that framed the cooperative as meeting the standards of cost-benefit alignability caused people to enroll in the cooperative.


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