Democracy, Good Governance And Sustainable Development In Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 298-309
Author(s):  
Biiragbara Godpower Nnaa ◽  
Love Obiani Arugu

There is the widespread belief amongst scholars and practioners of public administration that good governance and development are the likely outcomes of democracy. However, what is yet to be given much attention is the sustainability of this outcome. This paper entitled, Democracy, Good Governance and Sustainable Development seeks to investigate critically the relationship between democracy, good governance, and sustainable development in Nigeria. In other words, it aims at establishing a nexus between democratization of the political process and the sustainability of its outcomes on the socio-economic and political well-being of the people. The study adopted the descriptive method mainly through the use of secondary data. Using the political economy paradigm as the unit of analysis, the research found out amongst others that democracy as practiced in Nigeria is yet to yield any significant outcome of good governance nor bring about any meaningful development that can be sustained overtime. And this is due to the observed perennial violations of the ethos of democratic practices exhibited by the political class and the dilapidated institutions in the structure of the Nigerian State. It recommends therefore amongst others that emphasis should be laid on democratization of economic opportunities (social democracy), the betterment of the people, and a strong social welfare system. The paper also suggests that it is only through orderly and consistent democratic good governance procedures and practices that gains of development can be sustained.

Author(s):  
Chris G. Pope ◽  
Meng Ji ◽  
Xuemei Bai

The chapter argues that whether or not the world is successful in attaining sustainability, political systems are in a process of epoch-defining change as a result of the unsustainable demands of our social systems. This chapter theorizes a framework for analyzing the political “translation” of sustainability norms within national polities. Translation, in this sense, denotes the political reinterpretation of sustainable development as well as the national capacities and contexts which impact how sustainability agendas can be instrumentalized. This requires an examination into the political architecture of a national polity, the norms that inform a political process, socioecological contexts, the main communicative channels involved in the dissemination of political discourse and other key structures and agencies, and the kinds of approaches toward sustainability that inform the political process. This framework aims to draw attention to the ways in which global economic, political, and social systems are adapting and transforming as a result of unsustainability and to further understanding of the effectiveness of globally diffused sustainability norms in directing that change.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuoluwapo A. Durokifa ◽  
Babatunde Moshood Abdul-Wasi

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) was implemented in 2000 ostensibly to accelerate development within its 15 years plan of action. In the credence of this notion, Nigeria was one of the early countries that adopted the rational policy. Prior to the introduction of MDG, the country had implemented diverse developmental policies which are said not to have delivered the expected dividend. Hence, no sooner, the MDGs came to an end; the impulse of another developmental goal became necessary. Sustainable development Goals (SDGs) succeeding MDGs reiterates questions such as, how well did MDGs perform in developing countries? Where the aims of the MDGs met? If MDGs struggle to achieve 8 goals, how possible will SDGs 17 goals be realized? It is in this light, that the study using secondary data evaluate the MDG era in Nigeria, how far and how well they achieved their set target. The study suggests that although MDGs era in Nigeria recorded slight progress with regards to targeted goals, it did not meet the required plausible targets. Hence, as a very effective way of achieving sustainable development, the study recommends good governance and prioritizing of goals according to the country needs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-404
Author(s):  
Maurice S. Nyarangaa ◽  
Chen Hao ◽  
Duncan O. Hongo

Public participation aimed at improving the effectiveness of governance by involving citizens in governance policy formulation and decision-making processes. It was designed to promote transparency, accountability and effectiveness of any modern government. Although Kenya has legally adopted public participation in day-to-day government activities, challenges still cripple its effectiveness as documented by several scholars. Instead of reducing conflicts between the government and the public, it has heightened witnessing so many petitions of government missing on priorities in terms of development and government policies. Results show that participation weakly relates with governance hence frictions sustainable development. Theoretically, public participation influences governance efficiency and development, directly and indirectly, thus sustainable development policy and implementation depends on Public participation and good governance. However, an effective public participation in governance is has been fractioned by the government. Instead of being a promoter/sponsor of public participation, the government of Kenya has failed to put structures that would spur participation of citizens in policy making and other days to activities. This has brought about wrong priority setting and misappropriation of public resources; The government officials and political class interference ultimately limit public opinion and input effects on decision-making and policy formulation, which might be an inner factor determining the failure of public participation in Kenya. The study suggests the need for strengthening public participation by establishing an independent institution to preside over public participation processes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Kunle Awotokun ◽  
Olu Okotoni

The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed. The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.


Humaniora ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 264
Author(s):  
Yustinus Suhardi Ruman

Electoral democracy generates the political elites. Because these political elites are born through a democratic process, they are expected to practice their power in accordance to the basic principles of democracy. One of them is to open the opportunity and acces of people to participatie in decision making proceses. Nevertheless, the problem is that the political elites who were elected through electoral democracy tend to close the participation of citizen in policy making process. To analyze how the political elites formulated the policy and what the rationality of the policy was, this article used rational choice theory. Article used secondary data to analyze the problem. Results of the analysis showed that democracy in local level after elections was determined by rationality, preferences, and interests of the political elites. The practices of power of the elites in local level in the context of rational choice theory made opportunity and access for the people obstructed. It then affects the existing development policies reflect only rationality, preferences, and interests of some elites. 


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani

Media, Liberty and Politics in Malaysia: Comparative Studies on Local Dynamics and Regional Concernsis based on a collection of twelve academic papers. This book traces the development and progress of Malaysia as a nation that embraces issues of media, liberty and politics as essential parts of its culture, policy and well-being of the people. In between the 2008 and the 2013 General Elections, Malaysians have transformed themselves and demanded to form a more democratic society. Issues of political freedom, human rights, good governance and human dignity have become important and will determine the future of the Malaysian society. Besides, this book also tries to compare democratic practices in Malaysia with its neighbours such as Indonesia, Thailand and Australia, plus the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organisation to promote democratisation and strong ties between its members. This book is suitable for all particularly the academics, students of politics and international relations, journalists, legal practitioners, and the general public who are interested in the issues of media, liberty and politics in Malaysia.


The Puritans ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 144-171
Author(s):  
David D. Hall

This chapter addresses the Puritan version of a “reformation of manners” or moral reform, situating it within a larger anxiety about “decline.” As those who signed the Covenant of 1596 surely knew, perceptions of “decline” had prompted fast days in Scotland ever since the 1560s. Several of these exercises in repentance and covenanting were means to the end of a firmer alliance between a Protestant state church and a monarchy (or civil state) susceptible to Catholic or more moderate tendencies. This was the purpose of the Negative, or King's, Confession of 1580/81, when the young James VI and most of the political class pledged never to allow “the usurped tyranny of the Roman Antichrist” to return to Scotland. John Knox had organized a similar event in 1565 at a moment when the political fortunes of Mary Stuart were on the mend. Knox had called on the General Assembly to institute a countrywide fast directed against “idolatry,” with the queen as its implied target. Responding to Knox's sense of crisis, this assembly endorsed a “reformation of manners” and “public fast” as the means of “avoiding of the plagues and scourges of God, which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and ingratitude.” Simultaneously, it urged the queen to suppress “the Mass” and other “such idolatry and Papistical ceremonies.”


Author(s):  
Mary Elizabeth Fitts

According to the model of coalescence discussed in chapter 4, the political process of merging previously distinct communities should result in the integration of labor and collective identities. In this chapter, mid-eighteenth-century Catawba pottery and items of personal adornment are enlisted to assess whether this was the case for the people living around Nation Ford. Ceramic analysis is used to delineate constellations of practice, thereby providing information about the size of the work groups making pottery as well as the character of interaction between them. Next, patterns in the distribution of artifacts associated with mid-eighteenth-century Catawba adornment, including glass beads and metal fasteners, are examined in an effort to determine if they were being used to communicate generalized Southeastern Indian identities, matrilocal community identities, or both.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document