scholarly journals Fizyk jako element aksjosfery czasów Związku Radzieckiego (na przykładzie reportaży Hanny Krall i Jacka Hugo-Badera)

2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-199
Author(s):  
Daria Słupianek-Tajnert

The article attempts to analyse the conceptualisation of the scientist-physicist based on the examples of selected reportages by Hanna Krall and Jacek Hugo-Bader. The analysis was conducted in an axiolinguistic key and its aim was to confirm the thesis about the important role of physicists in the Soviet axiosphere. It can be observed that in the axiological profile of a physicist, obtained on the basis of an empirical analysis, instrumental values dominate and these are closely connected with the fact that physicists are associated with political interests. Physicists, who function as objects of evaluation in the analysed reportages, are also a means of an indirect evaluation in relation to the political system in the USSR and reflect ways in which the country treats its citizens. The empirical material analysed allows us to conclude that within the Russian linguistic-cultural area, the physicist does not refer us only to a scientist dealing with a specific research discipline, but deserves to be called a concept that reflects a characteristic stage of the social and political life of the USSR, permanently inscribed into the axiosphere of that period.

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Marguerite Deslauriers

Abstract Aristotle claims that the citizens of the best city should be both intelligent and spirited at Politics VII.7 1327b19-38. While he treats intelligence as an unqualified good, thumos (‘spirit’) is valuable but problematic. This paper has two aims: (i) to consider the political value of spirit in Aristotle’s Politics and in particular to identify the ways in which it is both essential to political excellence and yet insufficient for securing it, and (ii) to use this analysis of the role of spirit in the political realm to explain Aristotle’s exclusion of women from political authority, even in the context of the household. I analyze spirit as a physical phenomenon and as a type of desire, before considering its moral and affective aspects. I then return to the role of spirit in political life and examine its importance for the activity of ruling. In the last section I consider the implications of this analysis of spirit for the social and political roles Aristotle assigns to men and women.


1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henryk Wereszycki

The question of whether the Poles were an integrating or a disintegrating factor within the Habsburg monarchy has yet to be fully studied by Polish historians. Up to now they have concerned themselves mainly with the part played by the Austrian empire in the history of the Polish nation after the eighteenth century partitions and have overlooked the role of the Poles in the Austrian empire. They have concentrated their attention on the fate of the territories of the historic Polish state which fell under Habsburg rule and have studied the social, cultural, and political transformations which affected Galicia during the century and a half of Austrian domination. Polish historians have even studied the contributions made by former Habsburg subjects to the reconstruction of the Polish state after the dissolution of the monarchy, but they have rarely discussed the part which the Poles took in the political life of the multinational empire.


Author(s):  
Masoud Vali Arab ◽  
Hamid Asad Pour ◽  
Hamid Peighambary ◽  
Ali Rasouli

Shushtar as one of the most important cities of Khuzestan in safavid era was inhabited by some officials and rulers mostly due to its specific geographical, strategic and military situation during the rule of Safavid dynasty. The establishment of new villages in Shushtar and its surroundings areas by the local rulers caused this city to grow and develop more. In the same regard, due to the entering of many different clans and tribes to Shushtar in the Safavid period, extensive ethnic conflicts emerged in this city. Turk Qizilbash (Shamlus, Rumlus, Afshars, Ustodjlus, Turkmens, and Dulghadirs), Chagatai family, Circassia, Georgians, great religious scholars from Jabal Amel region, Jazayeri and Kalantar Sadats were among the tribes and clans entering Shushtar in the Safavid period. At the end of this period, natural disasters such as flood influenced Shushtar status both socially and politically to a great extent. The current study attempts to describe the political and social conditions of Shushtar during the Safavid period, aiming to answer this question: Why was Shushtar under the spotlight by the Safavid rulers and inhabited by most governmental rulers and authorities? It is hypothesized in this study that due to the geographical and military situation, Shushtar have always been considered as a defensive barrier by the Safavids against Mushashaiyah central bases in the South of Khuzestan, and Ranshis bases in the North of Khuzestan and also against Bakhtiyari Khans. Unquestionably, taking into consideration the topics such as ethnic origin, tribal interests, occupation state, religious and social values, and changing or modification of each case can give provide us with some useful information about the social and political life of Shushtar in the Safavid period.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (5) ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Rybalkin

The article surveys the theories of national economy regulation introduced by eminent economists of the Stockholm School in the late XIX - early XX centuries and the social situation in Sweden during this period. The article also analyzes the transformation of Swedish economy during XX century from a relatively pure market economy to a modern “Scandinavian socialism”, focuses on the role of government agencies and the influence of the political system on this process. In addition, the paper highlights those features which, according to the author, contributed to Sweden's shift from the raw materials supplier of the leading industrial powers in the late XIX century to a current world leader in technological development.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 735-765
Author(s):  
Joanna Bielecka-Prus

Abstract In this article I discuss the social roles of Polish sociologists in the period between 1945 and 1989. Sociologists in Poland are assumed to have constituted a heterogeneous group representing various attitudes towards the political system. Over time, they defined their intellectual role in public discourse differently. This picture remains incomplete without consideration of some crucial aspects: whether there were ways in which sociologists neutralized their participation in building the regime; and the techniques used for evasion and “legal criticism” of the system. The analysis is based on my comments of well-known sociologists published in the press and in books. Issues discussed include the function of sociology, the role of sociologists in a socialist country, and the position of sociology among other sciences and political doctrines.


Author(s):  
E. V. DUNAEVA

The article is devoted to the role of Shiite clergy in the Islamic revolution and in the political life of Islamic Republic of Iran. The author attempts to analize the possibilities of the Islamic regime’s survival in the context of modernizing society. IRI is a special model of the state system that embodies the idea of the Islamic rule of Imam Khomeini. Its political, socioeconomic, legal spheres are based on Islamic principles. The clergy managed to establish almost absolute control over secular institutions. At the same time, the Iranian regime can not be regarded as the only theocratic. It combines Islamic ideas with republican principles and admits democracy as a form of political participation. Iran’s political system combines elements of the modern Islamic theocracy with republican principles. Over nearly 40-years of its existence (since 1979), the political system underwent certain transformations which were caused by the economic and sociocultural development of the society and external factors. The liberalization of the economic sphere and the development of political parties put on the agenda political changes. Liberal-minded clergy relying on the ideas of religious modernism support the strengthening of democratic elements within the Islamic Republic. Some of them are ready to abandon the principle of “velayat-e faqih” or to reduce the authority of the leader in political sphere. They initiated reforms in political and public sphere.However, the clergy standing on the positions of fundamentalism, is not ready to reduce the Islamic component. They condemn the modernization trends intensified in Iranian society in recent years and are trying to bring the country back to the first post-revolutionary decade. However, the society is not ready to share such approaches. During the recent election campaigns Iranians have supported the liberal forces. The events of early 2018 demonstrated the protest potential of the society.This shows the desire of the citizens for further democratization of the political system and secularization of the public life. Although, there are calls for overthrowing the dictatorship of the clergy among the opposition groups in the West and inside the country. Hopes for the democratisation of the regime have not been lost. If external factors do not have a destructive effect, then the implementation of the Iranian model of modernization can become a reality.


The relevance of this article is due to the growing role of young people in the political life of Russia and in the transformation of the social, political and economic spheres. Young people are the moving force behind all major processes in any country. Concerning Russia, it should be noted that young people make up a third of the population. The way the problems of Russian youth will be solved will determine the current vitality and future of the country. The practice of the last decades convincingly proves that in the rapidly changing world, those countries that can effectively form and productively use the innovative development potential, the main carrier of which is young people, will have strategic advantages.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1279-1297
Author(s):  
Saša Marković ◽  
Željko Vučković

The area of today's Vojvodina in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was the scene of the development of quite dynamic social and political ideas for the purpose of ensuring a better-quality approach to the constitutional and national questions. After the Decision on the accession of Vojvodina to the Kingdom of Serbia and subsequently the Decision on the unification of Yugoslavia, issued by the Great National Assembly on 25th November 1918, the national zeal was gradually replaced by realistic political ideas with the intention of finding the social identity of Vojvodina in the newly-created Yugoslav circumstances. In the 1918-1929 period of parliamentarism, these ideas had an exceptionally dynamic course and were directed towards democratic tolerance, but after the introduction of the 6th January Dictatorship in 1929, the political and party life was forbidden. Due to the new constitutional circumstances and political consolidation, Alexander Karađorđević, certain of the success of his state politics, tacitly allowed the restoration of the party life. The Sombor Resolution as well as the Novi Sad Resolution, both enacted in 1932, played the role of the moderator of the party and political life of the opposition parties with an extremely active attitude towards social circumstances dominated by the state party.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 167-177
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova ◽  
Boris V. Mezhuev

The article is devoted to the issue of Russian conservatism and popular representation and analyzes the new historiography of social thought in the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries on the basis of a number of monographs and materials of well-known specialists in late Slavophilism published by the “Russian Idea” internet site over the period of several years. The authors differentiate the protective conservatism (in the spirit of K.P. Pobedonostsev and his work “The Great Lie of Our Time”) that denied the positive role of any representation, and the social conservatism that saw the popular representation in the form of Zemsky Sobor as an integral part of political life and panacea against revolution. The authors prove the thesis that moderate conservative and Slavophiles’ recipes of social and political system modernization, based on the principles of power and society mutual trust, much better suited the goals of Russian state system evolutionary modernization than the reactionary protective conservatism on the one hand, and western liberal parliamentarism, on the other hand.


2014 ◽  
pp. 92-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Moroz

The theme of the Church's influence on the political life of the state is one that is constantly focused on the attention of the scientific community, the media and its own politics. The current legislation in Ukraine clearly separates the church from the state. However, both the church and the state are important social institutions that can not but influence one another. The official position of the state in the relevant relations is outlined again by the law. Each of the confessions of the country, through democratic freedoms and within them, is able to implement its own concept of relations with the state. Moreover, the positions of even the largest churches in Ukraine here are significantly different and significantly affect the social realities, which determines the relevance of the topic.


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