scholarly journals Authoritarianism, Prejudice, and Support for Welfare Chauvinism in the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-212
Author(s):  
Jason Kehrberg

AbstractThis article examines the role of authoritarianism in shaping individual policy support for creating a waiting period before legal immigrants can access welfare programs. I use logistic regression models to analyse the opinions of non-Latino whites from the 1992 American National Election Study (ANES). I find that authoritarianism is related to a waiting period before immigrants can access welfare benefits, despite a significant number of non-authoritarians also preferring a waiting period. This effect is robust with the inclusion of several traditional predictors of welfare attitudes.

2020 ◽  
pp. 107780122095428
Author(s):  
Tri Keah S. Henry ◽  
Travis W. Franklin ◽  
Cortney A. Franklin

Using a randomly assigned 2 (victim race) × 2 (alcohol consumption) between-subjects factorial design, this study used surveys from a sample of 571 undergraduate students at a mid-sized, public university in the United States to determine the effect of procedural justice on police referral after reading a sexual assault disclosure vignette. Multivariate binary logistic regression models demonstrated that positive perceptions of procedural justice increased police referral following sexual assault disclosure. Victim alcohol consumption and rape myth acceptance decreased police referral. Victim race, victim alcohol consumption, and participant sex did not moderate the effect of procedural justice on police referral. Implications are discussed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292091110
Author(s):  
Frank J. Gonzalez

This paper introduces a novel framework for understanding the relationship between implicit and explicit preferences and political cognition. Existing work in political psychology focuses primarily on comparing the main effects of implicit versus explicit attitude measures. This paper rethinks the role of implicit cognition by acknowledging the correspondence between implicit and explicit preferences (i.e., the distance between implicitly and explicitly measured attitudes). Data from the 2008 American National Election Study are used to examine implicit racial ambivalence, or the gap between one’s implicit and explicit racial preferences, as it exists in the United States. Results indicate implicit racial ambivalence, which has been shown to yield effortful thinking related to race, is negatively related to education and Need for Cognition, and predicts race-related policy attitudes as well as vote choice in the 2008 election. Furthermore, implicit ambivalence moderates the influence of ideology on political attitudes, including attitudes toward outcomes that are only covertly related to race and cannot be predicted directly by implicit or explicit racial attitudes alone.


1997 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 1031-1054 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory A. Huber ◽  
Thomas J. Espenshade

A rise in neo-isolationism in the United States has given encouragement to a new fiscal politics of immigration. Growing anti-immigrant sentiment has coalesced with forces of fiscal conservatism to make immigrants an easy target of budget cuts. Limits on legal alien access to social welfare programs that are contained in the 1996 welfare and immigration reform acts seem motivated not so much by a guiding philosophy of what it means to be a member of American society as by a desire to shrink the size of the federal government and to produce a balanced budget. Even more than in the past, the consequence of a shrinking welfare state is to metamorphose legal immigrants from public charges to windfall gains for the federal treasury.


2017 ◽  
Vol 114 (36) ◽  
pp. 9593-9598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie McCall ◽  
Derek Burk ◽  
Marie Laperrière ◽  
Jennifer A. Richeson

Economic inequality has been on the rise in the United States since the 1980s and by some measures stands at levels not seen since before the Great Depression. Although the strikingly high and rising level of economic inequality in the nation has alarmed scholars, pundits, and elected officials alike, research across the social sciences repeatedly concludes that Americans are largely unconcerned about it. Considerable research has documented, for instance, the important role of psychological processes, such as system justification and American Dream ideology, in engendering Americans’ relative insensitivity to economic inequality. The present work offers, and reports experimental tests of, a different perspective—the opportunity model of beliefs about economic inequality. Specifically, two convenience samples (study 1, n = 480; and study 2, n = 1,305) and one representative sample (study 3, n = 1,501) of American adults were exposed to information about rising economic inequality in the United States (or control information) and then asked about their beliefs regarding the roles of structural (e.g., being born wealthy) and individual (e.g., hard work) factors in getting ahead in society (i.e., opportunity beliefs). They then responded to policy questions regarding the roles of business and government actors in reducing economic inequality. Rather than revealing insensitivity to rising inequality, the results suggest that rising economic inequality in contemporary society can spark skepticism about the existence of economic opportunity in society that, in turn, may motivate support for policies designed to redress economic inequality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 82 (5) ◽  
pp. 1037-1064 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Biegert

The effect of generous welfare benefits on unemployment is highly contested. The dominant perspective contends that benefits provide disincentive to work, whereas others portray benefits as job-search subsidies that facilitate better job matches. Despite many studies of welfare benefits and unemployment, the literature has neglected how this relationship might vary across institutional contexts. This article investigates how unemployment benefits and minimum income benefits affect unemployment across levels of the institutional insider/outsider divide. I analyze the moderating role of the disparity in employment protection for holders of permanent and temporary contracts and of the configuration of wage bargaining. The analysis combines data from 20 European countries and the United States using the European Union Labour Force Survey and the Current Population Survey 1992–2009. I use a pseudo-panel approach, including fixed effects for sociodemographic groups within countries and interactions between benefits and institutions. The results indicate that unemployment benefits and minimum income benefits successfully subsidize job search and reduce unemployment in labor markets with a moderate institutional insider/outsider divide. However, when there is greater disparity in employment protection and when bargaining either combines low unionization with high centralization or high unionization with low centralization, generous benefits create a disincentive to work, plausibly because attractive job opportunities are scarce.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip G. Chen ◽  
Carl L. Palmer

Although long privileged by scholarship in psychology, personality has only recently been considered as an influential factor for political orientations and actions. In this article, we consider personality’s influence on another important tendency: the proclivity to engage in stereotyping and prejudicial thinking. Using a personality battery included for the first time on the 2012 American National Election Study (ANES), we examine the tendencies of particular personality types to stereotype. Results suggest that the two most politically relevant traits (Openness to Experience and Conscientiousness) are consistent predictors of authoritarian tendencies, which, in turn, produce indirect effects of personality on group-centric policy positions, over and above the effects through political predispositions such as partisanship. Our findings demonstrate the important role of group stereotyping in mediating the effects of personality on policy support.


2004 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
John M Fitzgerald

Abstract Previous studies of welfare durations in the U.S. have analyzed the role of welfare benefits on the length of time recipients remain on welfare. Typically these studies use individual data and estimate the benefit effects based on both cross-sectional variation across locations and time variation within locations. Cross sectional results on benefit effects may be biased due to unobserved state specific differences in welfare programs or attitudes. This paper compares two strategies for dealing with the problem when estimating welfare exit hazard models: stratification of baseline hazards by state and the inclusion of state fixed effects in the hazards. Although the results show that high benefit states appear to have unobserved characteristics that lead to longer spells, the results also show that increases in welfare benefits do not directly increase welfare durations once one controls for state specific effects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (10) ◽  
pp. 2781-2805 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samira Ali ◽  
Ozge Sensoy Bahar ◽  
Priya Gopalan ◽  
Karolina Lukasiewicz ◽  
Gary Parker ◽  
...  

It has been argued that individuals living in poverty are shamed, and thus, experience it in various social and institutional spaces. However, little is known about this dynamic in the United States. This study examined the relationship between poverty and shame among individuals living in poverty. Individual semistructured interviews were conducted with 60 participants in New York, NY. The results reveal that participants experience shame, anger, and frustration in their roles as (a) caregivers when being unable to provide material items and trying to keep up with others in society and (b) social welfare recipients when at the welfare office and accessing welfare benefits. Despite experiencing such debilitating emotions, participants formulated and used strategies to manage these feelings and situations. These findings point to the role of social and institutional practices in shaping emotions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy S. Killian ◽  
Zola K. Moon ◽  
Charleen McNeill ◽  
Betsy Garrison ◽  
Shari Moxley

AbstractObjectiveThis article conceptualized emergency preparedness as a complex, multidimensional construct and empirically examined an array of sociodemographic, motivation, and barrier variables as predictors of levels of emergency preparedness.MethodsThe authors used the 2010 wave of the Health and Retirement Study’s emergency preparedness module to focus on persons 50 years old and older in the United States by use of logistic regression models and reconsidered a previous analysis.ResultsThe models demonstrated 3 key findings: (1) a lack of preparedness is widespread across virtually all sociodemographic variables and regions of the country; (2) an authoritative voice, in the role of health care personnel, was a strong predictor of preparedness; and (3) previous experience in helping others in a disaster predisposes individuals to be better prepared. Analyses also suggest the need for caution in creating simple summative indexes and the need for further research into appropriate measures of preparedness.ConclusionThis population of older persons was generally not well prepared for emergencies, and this lack of preparedness was widespread across social, demographic, and economic groups in the United States. Findings with implications for policy and outreach include the importance of health care providers discussing preparedness and the use of experienced peers for outreach. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2017;11:80–89)


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062098305
Author(s):  
Jazmin L. Brown-Iannuzzi ◽  
Erin Cooley ◽  
Christopher K. Marshburn ◽  
Stephanie E. McKee ◽  
Ryan F. Lei

The current research investigates the role of racialized work ethic stereotypes on attitudes toward welfare. We hypothesized that work ethic stereotypes shape both people’s attitudes toward welfare and their perceptions of who benefits from these policies. Consistent with hypotheses, when the demographic composition of welfare recipients was majority Black (vs. White), participants thought recipients were lazier and were less positive to welfare programs and policies (Study 1). Describing welfare recipients as hardworking (vs. no information control) mitigated this effect, even when the demographic composition of welfare recipients was majority Black (Study 2). Finally, we investigated whether work ethic stereotypes shape both attitudes toward welfare and spontaneous mental images of recipients. Images generated when participants were asked to envision hardworking (vs. lazy) recipients were rated by a separate sample as more representative of White Americans and garnered more support for providing welfare benefits (Study 3).


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